Address to the Storting on the security policy situation

Translated from Norwegian (and checked against delivery)

Mr President,

It has been pointed out from this podium before, but it bears repeating: On 17 February 1914, Prime Minister Gunnar Knudsen said: ‘Globally speaking, there are now fewer clouds in the political firmament than we have seen in many years.’

Less than six months later, the First World War broke out.

Knudsen’s words show us how important it is for us to understand – and adapt to – the times in which we live, as best we can.

And what followed shows just how difficult that can be.

It is with this in mind that I have asked to deliver this address on security policy.

To convey the Government’s assessment of the situation.

To present the Government’s approach to key security policy issues.

And to set the stage for us to work together to find viable responses – across political boundaries – to challenges and dilemmas related to security in a new era.

Mr President,

Let me start with the Government’s assessment of the security policy situation we are contending with today.

The firmament of world politics can in no way be described as cloud-free.

The world has become more dangerous, more unpredictable and more complex.

International law is being challenged and violated.

Rivalry between the major powers – the US, China and Russia – is increasing.

Our scope for finding peaceful solutions to conflicts and disagreements is narrowing.

The war in Ukraine is a watershed moment.

24 February 2022 marks a turning point – there is a before and an after.

This is becoming increasingly evident.

Russia’s brutal war against Ukraine has created a serious security crisis in Europe.

It is the people of Ukraine who are bearing the brunt of this.

They are in the third year of a desperate situation, and are – at present – at a disadvantage in terms of manpower and firepower in the war against a Russia that is also sustaining heavy losses.

At the same time, we are being subjected to intense anti-Western rhetoric. This is coming from Russia, and is also directed towards Norway.

We see that Russia is employing a wide range of destructive instruments.

Increased intelligence activity.

More propaganda activity.

More frequent cyber attacks.

More widespread infiltration and sabotage activity.

These are targeted activities aimed at undermining our interests and values, and Russia is not alone.

Criminal organisations, non-state groups and other countries are also making use of several of these instruments.

Mr President,

The global balance of power is shifting, and at the same time we are in the midst of a complex technological, economic and energy transition. This in turn has ramifications for our security policy.

Key trends we are seeing include:

• the rapid advancements in the application of artificial intelligence;
• the accelerating pace of the energy transition;
• and a new agenda to increase economic security and control of critical supply chains.

Each of these presents both opportunities and challenges for Norway.

Artificial intelligence will increase efficiency, enhance problem-solving and promote innovation. For example in the diagnosis and treatment of medical conditions.

However, there is also no denying that artificial intelligence is already being used to spread lies and disinformation on a large scale.

This is already having a significant impact on democratic processes and the public debate, and looks likely to reach new levels in coming years.

 

Turning to the energy situation, Mr President; the phasing out of fossil fuels opens the door to broader use of local energy systems moving forward, based on an inexhaustible supply of energy from the wind and sun.

This means that, in future, energy will no longer be a scarce resource of high strategic importance, as it is today, and can thus no longer be wielded as an instrument of power.

In this sense, the green transition will help to reduce global tensions.

But – achieving transformation in areas as fundamental as energy will always be accompanied by a certain degree of discord.

 

The third key trend I mentioned is that more and more countries are taking new steps to safeguard their critical supply chains.   

While some are seeking to ensure better national control, others are choosing an approach that is leading to increasing protectionism worldwide.

Norway, too, will work to enhance the resilience of key supply chains – in cooperation with our partners.

At the same time, we must acknowledge that a change in the global economic agenda may have a negative impact on Norway in a variety of ways, for example by curtailing openness, raising trade barriers, skewing international competitiveness and undermining the international regulatory framework.

This is of particular significance for Norway, as a major energy exporter and the owner of the world’s largest sovereign wealth fund. We see that tensions and rivalry are leading to politicisation that will affect both these roles.

Mr President,

These examples illustrate how the part that politics, economics and technology play in shaping today’s security policy.

An interplay that is affecting policy development in Norway as well.

But let me also add: while there may be dark clouds on the horizon, the future is still wide open.

It is not a given – as some would claim – that we are living in a new ‘pre-war’ period.

We must be wary of using such language. War is not inevitable. 

It is up to us, also through our security policy, to create the best possible conditions for peace.

Through deterrence. Prevention.

And a continued commitment to seeking peaceful resolution of conflicts, promoting development and supporting international solidarity.

 

While many of the current trends affecting Norway are cause for concern, let us keep in mind that we have a better basis for addressing them than most other countries:

We have a society built on trust.

An abundance of resources.

A robust democracy.

Good friends and allies who stand together with us.

Vibrant communities in all parts of our country, from north to south.

And broad popular engagement – from organisations, the voluntary sector, individuals – who, despite the major challenges facing the world, continue to believe that each of us can make a difference.  

This is a strong foundation for dealing with the challenges ahead.

Mr President,

As set out in Article 1 of the Norwegian Constitution, ‘The Kingdom of Norway is a free, independent, indivisible and inalienable realm.’

The essence of security policy is to safeguard precisely this.

To determine how we need to position ourselves, and how we, as a society, must cooperate across sectors in a new security landscape.

To safeguard our country, our people, and our democracy.

For this we need a long-term, effective security policy:

• that is adapted to a new security landscape;
• that sets out the interests and values we seek to promote;
• that is rooted in an understanding of the distinctive characteristics of Norway, our geography and our society;
• and that guides how we should act and position ourselves, in close cooperation with our allies.

In keeping with good Norwegian tradition, there should be the greatest possible consensus between us on the analysis and main features of our policy.

Because broad political agreement on the main principles – over time – has been a fundamental strength of Norwegian foreign and defence policy.

It has played a vital role in ensuring continuity, legitimacy, and a long-term approach.

At a time when security concerns are at the fore, allow me, as Prime Minister, to stress the inherent value of the unity we have achieved. It is a resource that we must manage wisely, and we must do so together.

I would therefore like to thank all the parties in the Storting [the Norwegian Parliament] for their constructive cooperation on the Nansen Support Programme for Ukraine, and the historic agreement reached on the Long-term Defence Plan.

These are security policy milestones that will be of great importance far beyond this parliamentary term.

Mr President,

Security policy must be based on an understanding of the characteristics that are distinctive for Norway; who we are and where we are.

Not least in terms of our geography.

That cannot be changed, and it offers us opportunities as well as challenges.

As then Norwegian Foreign Minister Trygve Lie put it in 1941: ‘We are an Atlantic Ocean nation’ [Atlanterhavsfolk].

Our coastline and sea areas, and, not least, our part of the Arctic, have been – and still are – a key element of what defines us.

Trygve Lie’s statement also implies a recognition of the fact that Norway could no longer remain the neutral country it had been since gaining independence in 1905.

Because we are ‘Atlantic Ocean nation,’ a coastal and maritime nation and a steward of substantial resources.

But also with a neighbour to the east that made it necessary for us to seek close cooperation across the Atlantic.

Russia is our neighbour, and there are substantial Russian nuclear capabilities based close to our border.

Nuclear weapons are emerging as an increasingly powerful instrument of international policy.   

The Barents Sea is gaining in strategic importance, in part because the other countries around the Baltic Sea are now members of NATO.

This is helping to increase Allied interest in the Arctic.

Which has ramifications. And entails obligations.

The Arctic is our most important strategic area.

We will maintain a visible presence.

Be consistent and predictable.

Set the agenda for further development.

And work to prevent rising tensions.

When it comes to the north, we are to have the leading knowledge. We are to stay on the cutting edge, with the insight and capacity to shape policies.

This applies to Svalbard, as well. The northernmost part of Norway, which we manage with consistency and a firm hand.

 

Mr President, it is in the crossroads between geography and the political circumstances – domestically and internationally – that we must frame and shape security policy.

And from this vantage point we are witnessing far-reaching changes.

Not just to the north, but also to the west, east and south.

To the west, a renewed focus on maritime challenges. A greater need for Allied cooperation and presence in Norwegian waters and neighbouring areas.

To the east, a new security policy geography. Finland and Sweden as members of NATO, and closer integration between our own region and the Baltic region.

And to the south, a closer security policy collaboration, through NATO and in Europe. Value-based and broadly supported, with our energy exports as a strategically important unifying link.

Mr President,

Democracy, freedom of speech and trust are hallmarks of our country.

These are key to enabling our people to live good lives, and also help to increase our resilience in a new security policy landscape.

It is of crucial importance, Mr President, that we acknowledge and understand that what is most precious about our society also makes us vulnerable.

It has previously been asserted that we live in ‘deep peace’ in Norway.

And while that sounds very reassuring, it can also describe a state of complacency.

The war in Ukraine has made us more aware of the threat of military power.

We need to be just as aware of threats below the threshold of armed attack.

False information, propaganda, pressure, threats, strategic acquisitions; activities frequently targeted towards the civil sector, that exploit the openness in our society.

The abuse of free speech and free markets.

To threaten or undermine our security.

 

As I mentioned earlier, this is all part of the repertoire of instruments being used by a number of countries and non-state actors.

And we note, Mr President, that China is the country that has the greatest capacity for these kinds of activities.

Together with other European countries, we therefore see a need to be more cautious in our dealings with China.

Moving forward, we will need to integrate risk reduction thinking more actively into our approach to China and Chinese actors.

Our aim is to continue to cooperate with China in the areas of trade, climate change and the green transition in order to find solutions to global problems.

But it is inadvisable to seek cooperation in sensitive areas.

And in areas where there is cooperation, we must raise awareness about the risks, and about what Norwegian actors can do to reduce these.

To achieve this, we are now intensifying our dialogue with the business sector, knowledge sector, and other actors in society about the risks associated with cooperation with China and certain other countries.

Mr President,

We must respond to security policy developments along several tracks.

We must understand the challenges.

We must be cognisant of the threats.

And we must share this insight as widely as possible, so that society as a whole, down to the level of each of us as individuals, fully understands what we are contending with.

As we confront more intense international rivalry, we must take steps to protect our core interests.

We must increase awareness of risks and vulnerabilities.

And we must invest in what is required to enable us to maintain our security.

 

With this in mind, I would now like to highlight six priorities for Norway’s security policy.

First, Mr President, effective security policy begins at home: we must start by ensuring that our own house is in order.

This is why we are now making historic investments in our own defence and upgrading our defence capabilities.

Under the new Long-term Defence Plan, we will:

Address critical weaknesses and gaps.

Invest in personnel and competence development.

Enhance our situational awareness capacity.

Invest in military presence and deterrence.

All of you – the parties here in the Storting – have helped to draw up the long-term plan and are well acquainted with the details. And as you know, the plan has been unanimously adopted. So now the focus – for all of us and for those who will have this responsibility in the years to come – is on implementation.

If we are to succeed, we must all take responsibility for securing the financing needed – for the entire 12-year duration of the plan.

We must ensure better control of spending in a sector where this has at times proved challenging.

We must talk up our Armed Forces. Encourage people to join the Armed Forces and make it a career.

And we must maintain the excellent cooperation we have established in this chamber in this important area.

Mr President,

Second, we are strengthening our civilian resilience.

The war in Ukraine has shown us once again that defence capability is about more than just soldiers and weapons.

It is about the ability of society to pull together in times of crisis.

In defence of the country. In support of the war effort, and to keep the wheels of the country turning.

Strengthening our Armed Forces alone will not give us the defence capability we need. Our civil preparedness must also be adapted to a new era, and a new threat situation.

This places new demands on us.

We must be prepared for the worst – for a crisis or war. And we must be prepared for the unexpected.

We must be able to respond effectively to threats and incidents – for example in cyberspace or in connection with more frequent extreme weather events, which we have experienced and will experience more of in the future.

We must enhance our ability to understand the big picture and ensure effective coordination.

And we must increase awareness of threats, responsibilities, and appropriate actions – across the public sector, the private sector and in the population at large, each and every one of us.

We must be able to draw on all the country’s resources if the situation so demands.

That is why the forthcoming white paper on Norway’s total preparedness will discuss civilian resilience and what it requires of us.

And that is why we have now begun the work of updating the legislation that regulates mobilisation of civilian labour in the event of a crisis.

This is vital to enable society to continue to function – in situations that we hope will never arise, but we must nevertheless be prepared for.

For the same reason, we are now reviewing our systems for crisis management at municipal, regional and central government levels. The various sectors must be able to pull together effectively.

This means that we must carry out more emergency preparedness exercises. In a systematic and targeted manner, and in cooperation with the business sector and NGOs.

We are strengthening control of foreign investments.

We have established a dedicated directorate for export control.

We have allocated more resources to the security services. Intelligence threats from foreign countries are high on their agenda.

We are giving special priority to security on the Norwegian continental shelf.

We are cooperating closely with allies and energy companies to ensure continued gas deliveries to Europe.

And in response to a joint initiative by Norway and Germany, a new centre has been established in NATO, which will work with private actors to coordinate efforts to protect our undersea energy infrastructure.

The establishment of the National Intelligence and Security Centre (NESS) has enhanced our ability to uncover and address vulnerabilities.

Areas of particular focus include energy, undersea infrastructure, maritime transport and communications.

Mr President,

Let me reiterate this fundamental point: the state cannot build civilian resilience on its own.

Every household needs to have a basic emergency supply kit.

And each of us must critically evaluate the credibility of the information that is circulating out there.

Resilience is something that we – companies, public enterprises, individuals – build together.

We all have a responsibility to do our part.

Mr President,

Our third security policy priority is this: we are strengthening our ties with our Allies.

For 75 years, NATO has been the cornerstone of Norwegian security.

It has enabled us to maintain a steady course in our dealings with Russia in the north. Our neighbour by virtue of our place on the world map.

It has provided us with credible deterrence – which we have combined with reassurance.

And it has enabled Norway to remain consistent and predictable.

The security provided by this combination of deterrence and reassurance made it possible for us to navigate our relationship with the Soviet Union during the Cold War and paved the way for closer cooperation with Russia in the 1990s and beyond.

When the NATO Allies gather for the summit in Washington DC in July, we will be uniting behind a policy that continues to safeguard our interests and values.

That maintains peace on Allied territory and ensures continued support for Ukraine in its fight to defend itself.

The accession of Finland and Sweden to NATO has fundamentally changed the framework for security policy cooperation in the Nordic region.

For the better, I should add, for us, for the Nordic region, for Europe and for NATO.

The task now is to further develop NATO plans, make provisions for the deployment of Allied reinforcements to Finland and Sweden via Norway, and enhance our capacity for cooperation and deterrence.

Given our geographical location, Mr President, this is of particular significance to us – in what we can be called the northern Nordic region.

Next week, I have invited the Finnish President and Swedish Prime Minister for discussions on precisely this topic. It will be a historic meeting, where the aim is:

To work together to ensure that Finnish and Swedish membership of NATO leads to closer cooperation and greater security for all three countries, and thus also for Europe.

And at the same time, help to reduce tensions in our own region.

The meeting in Bodø [in northern Norway] will focus on proactive steps to further refine the framework and facilitate deeper cooperation that serves our common interests.

Because, Mr President, security has to be created. Security based on trust does not come about on its own. It must be built up systematically over time, as we have done in our relations with the US since the Second World War.

Our approach vis-à-vis the US has been based on our orientation towards the West, politically and in terms of values – but it has also been rooted in realism.

The military capability of the US has been – and remains – the ultimate security guarantee in NATO. There is no viable alternative.

That is why we have also strengthened our cooperation with the US, through the establishment of Agreed Facilities and Areas in Norway.

This benefits us and it benefits the US. It makes our cooperation more resilient to changes of government.

Because Norway and the US have overlapping security policy interests.

And these fundamental interests will not change.

Even though US politics has become more polarised.

Even though we must accept that future US transfers of power may be accompanied by turbulence.

Like other European countries, we are preparing for various outcomes of the US presidential election in November. Whatever the result, our shared fundamental interests will remain unchanged.

We have broad political contact with the US.

We have shown what we can bring to the partnership.

We are investing in cooperation at all levels.

And regardless of developments in the US, regardless of the outcome of elections, it is essential that the European Allies shoulder a greater share of the burden and assume greater collective responsibility for European security and defence. Norway is doing its part.

For Norway, this also entails strengthening ties with other close Allies.

With the UK, which has long been our most important European Ally.

With Germany and France, our key European partners.

With our Nordic neighbours, as I have already mentioned.

And promoting regional cooperation initiatives, such as the Joint Expeditionary Force, which includes our northern European Allies.

The Government has therefore systematically strengthened Norway’s broad-based cooperation with Germany, France, the UK and the EU, among others.

Political contact is close, and there is wide-ranging cooperation in important thematic areas.

As we now know, climate policy and energy policy are inextricably interlinked with security policy, as is also made clear in NATO planning documents.

At this time of growing rivalry between China and the US, Norway benefits greatly from its close integration with the European community of nations – under the framework of the EEA Agreement.

Through the EEA Agreement, which marks its 30th anniversary this year, Norway is part of a market that accounts for 18 % of global GDP.

The EEA Agreement has opened up significant opportunities and established rights for Norwegian citizens, businesses and for our education and research sectors.

And perhaps even more important to highlight today, Mr President, – as was pointed out by the committee that reviewed Norway’s experience of the EEA Agreement – it gives us access to a pan-European partnership that plays an increasing role in security policy.

This is good for Norway.

In order to build further on this, two weeks ago we signed an agreement establishing a new Security and Defence Partnership between Norway and the EU.

In a world that has become more unstable and unpredictable, we need to reinforce the foundation that underpins our security policy.

Mr President,

Fourth, Norway will continue to support Ukraine in its fight to defend itself.

In the days following the invasion, Norway took a historic decision, in authorising the provision of military assistance to a country at war, a country that is exercising its right of self-defence against external aggression.

In all relevant forums, we highlight Ukraine’s right of self-defence. And we make it clear that Russia bears full responsibility for the current situation.

We are doing our part to help Ukraine by providing ongoing donations of military equipment and extensive civilian support, in line with Ukraine’s needs.

We are implementing the Nansen Support Programme for Ukraine. We are now halfway through the second year of this five-year, flexible support programme.

And let me say once again, Mr President, how much we value our dialogue with the Storting on the further development of the programme.

In the revised national budget, the Government has proposed increasing the support we are providing in 2024 from NOK 15 billion to NOK 22 billion.

Ukraine has now become one of the largest recipients of Norwegian aid.

We have recently signed a 10-year agreement on security cooperation with Ukraine.

And this weekend, I will be meeting other world leaders in Switzerland to discuss steps towards a future peace.

Our focus is on securing peace on Ukraine’s terms – and on enhancing security and stability on our continent.

And I would like to add, Mr President, that we also are in dialogue with China on the situation in Ukraine.

China has close ties to Russia. We, like other European countries, are aware that China is providing substantial support for Russia’s war effort in Ukraine.

And Norway’s clear message to China, which I too have conveyed, is that this support is damaging the country’s reputation and status in Europe.

It undermines trust.

And makes it more difficult to work together.

We urge China in the strongest terms to do what it can to end the war.

And fifth, Mr President, we will manage our relationship with Russia, our neighbour to the east, carefully.

Norway condemns Russia’s war of aggression in Ukraine. We are also deeply concerned about social developments in Russia.

We will be consistent and predictable.

We will continue to manage our relations with Russia calmly, firmly and predictably in the time ahead.

This has been our policy for decades, and is still the best approach, given our geographical location and given that Russia is our neighbour.

As I have said, we will pursue a combination of deterrence and reassurance, and we will cooperate closely with our allies.

I reiterate the message that Russia and the Russian people need to hear: Norway poses no threat to anyone. Neither we nor NATO have aggressive intentions vis-à-vis Russia.

We respect the Russian Federation’s internationally recognised borders.

But Russia chose to launch a war of aggression against a neighbouring country. This is a fundamental breach of trust. Our bilateral relationship has gone from one of cooperation to one needing careful management.

We must assume that Russia will continue to act in a way that undermines European security for a long time to come.

Its transition to a war economy has been rapid and comprehensive, as has its military revival.

The regime is relying heavily on a strategy of deterrence, including nuclear deterrence.

Russia has withdrawn from all disarmament and arms control agreements, and with its war in Ukraine is violating everything from the UN Charter to international humanitarian law and the European Convention on Human Rights.

There is little to indicate any imminent change of course.

More signs suggest that Russia is preparing for a long, drawn-out conflict.

Norway is consistently referred to as one of a number of ‘unfriendly states’.

Our overall level of contact has been considerably reduced, and the ramifications of this are being felt in many different circles in Norway.

We must take this on board, Mr President.

At the same time, it is essential to maintain a minimum degree of contact.

We have important national interests to safeguard; relating to border issues, fisheries, search and rescue, oil spill preparedness, and our ability to respond effectively to unforeseen or undesirable incidents.

And right now, at a time of confrontation and conflict – we need diplomacy, Mr President.

We must make sure that Russia knows what it can expect of us. This is important to safeguard our national interests and security in our own region.

This means that Norway’s and Russia’s embassies in Moscow and Oslo must continue to function. Maintaining diplomatic contact is both necessary and desirable.

Because diplomacy is not just reserved for contact between friends.

 

And this, Mr President, brings me to our sixth priority.

We must continue to defend international law. The UN. We promote international cooperation wherever we can.

Successive Norwegian governments and parliaments have worked on the basis that Norway is best served by a well-organised world order – based on respect for the rule of law.

We have been known to say that international law is our first line of defence – in the sense that our security, welfare and freedom of action all depend on well-regulated interaction with other countries.

But international law is also about values. And human rights and protection of civilians.

It is a matter of grave concern that international humanitarian law is being violated so extensively, as we are now seeing in Ukraine, Gaza and Sudan.

We must nevertheless stand firm in our conviction that it is possible to improve the way societies are organised, through cooperation, and that it is not might that makes right.

These values have deep roots in Norway.

In our efforts relating to the conflict between Israel and Palestine, we have made use of our various contacts and channels to work to achieve a ceasefire in Gaza, ensure humanitarian access and secure the release of the hostages.

And to move the conflict onto a political track – towards the realisation of the two-state solution, the prerequisite for achieving a lasting peace with broad support throughout the region.

Only this can provide security for Israelis and Palestinians alike.

 

For Norway, it is crucial that international law is respected, to maintain security and predictability.

Not least when it comes to the management of our sea areas – where the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, the ‘constitution of the oceans’, is the essential framework for peaceful cooperation.

In many ways, it is not just the ‘constitution of the oceans’, it is ‘the constitution of the fisheries sector’, the ‘constitution of the offshore sector’ and ‘the constitution of the shipping sector’.

It is immensely important for us, Mr President. And its success is dependent on one basic factor, namely that states respect the rule of law.

This is why we have continued to chair the Ocean Panel, which now brings together states representing half of the world’s economic zones.

We will do what we can to protect the integrity and precedence of international law.

This work must be carried out at the global level.

I have previously called Norway a nation with an economic and political surplus in a world where deficits are all too common.

This means that we have a responsibility to participate in the effort to find global solutions to global problems – in areas where we can contribute and are particularly well placed to do so.

To show through our actions that cooperation pays off. And that a robust international legal order is a global public good.

 ‘No man is an island,’ as they say – and Norway is no exception.

That is why I accepted the invitation from Brazil’s President to participate as one of eight guest countries in the G20 this year.

That is why we are working closely with the World Health Organization to strengthen global pandemic preparedness.

That is why we are investing in peace and reconciliation processes.

And that is why we are cooperating with China and India, among others, to accelerate the green transition.

Seeking to make the world a little bit better, and this is in Norway’s interests.

A world where states manage to cooperate, in spite of everything, is a safer world for everyone.

Mr President,

I began this address by stating that we are living in a more dangerous world.

And that it has become more violent, and increasingly polarised.

This places great demands on us.

We must set clearer priorities. Invest in security and preparedness.

In closing, Mr President, I would like to say a few words about the event to commemorate the 80th anniversary of D-Day, the invasion of Normandy, which was the beginning of the end of the Second World War.

It was extremely moving. Meeting veterans, all close to 100 years of age, who told of their fears and bravery during the dramatic Allied landing in Normandy in the early hours of 6 June 1944.

The experience of that day laid the foundation for a strong bond between North America and Europe.

Today, 80 years later, it is up to us to carry this spirit of unity forward.

On beaches codenamed Utah, Omaha, Gold, Juno and Sword, soldiers from 13 countries fought side by side.

Both we and North America stand to lose if this spirit of unity is broken.

That is why we must honour all that D-Day represented – and still represents.

We must protect the values they fought for: democracy, human rights and security against all kinds of attacks.

And in addressing the challenges of our time, we must find the right responses for our time.

In 1984, when our leaders marked four decades since the Normandy landings, then US President Ronald Reagan gave one of the most famous speeches of the Cold War period.

He spoke of the fight against tyranny, a US that turned its back on isolationism and that came to Europe’s aid. And about the loyalties and values – that bind the US and Europe together. These words are just as true today.

In our time, when there are dark clouds on the horizon, it is a speech that is worth remembering.

At the height of an intense and dangerous period of the Cold War, 1984, President Reagan said:

‘… we try always to be prepared for peace; prepared to deter aggression; prepared to negotiate the reduction of arms; and, yes, prepared to reach out again in the spirit of reconciliation.’

Mr President,

This must be our position today as well. We must be:

Prepared to defend ourselves.

Ready to fight for freedom and democracy.

And always in search of paths that can lead to peace.