Address to the Storting on the situation in the Middle East

Mr President,

We are witnessing events of extraordinary magnitude in the Middle East.

Terrorism, acts of war and widespread destruction on a daily basis.

News reports of people being killed and mutilated. Detailed accounts of death and suffering are flooding social media.

People across Norway – and here in this chamber – are deeply concerned. This is completely understandable. This engagement is important.

Because it is impossible not to be moved by the images and the stories we are seeing and hearing – from Palestine, from Israel, and now also from Lebanon.

The Middle East has seen war and conflict before. What is unique today is the scale of human suffering, the extent of the violations of international law and the number of countries and stakeholders that are directly involved. All against a background of shifts in the balance of global power.

The situation has catastrophic consequences for everyone affected. And it may continue to deteriorate. For the region, for neighbouring countries, for Europe and for the world.

Therefore, Mr President, it is in Norway’s interests, as well as an indisputable part of our shared responsibility, to seek solutions.

We will do everything we can to promote ceasefires, as soon as possible, in both Gaza and Lebanon. The war and the killing must end. This must end now.

The parties must de-escalate the conflict and use the language of diplomacy, not war, to find answers.

We will continue to strengthen our humanitarian efforts and work to improve humanitarian access. The scale of need is enormous.

 But it will not be enough just to stop the killing and help to relieve the suffering. That is why we are working systematically to find a lasting political solution.

Our most important task at present is to lay a foundation for what is to come after the violence has ended. Simply turning the clock back to the day before this latest round of terror and violence is not the path to a lasting peace.

More than anything else, the path ahead involves building the Palestinian state. A state that is viable, politically cohesive and democratic. A state that safeguards the unequivocal right of Palestinians to decide over their own lives and their own futures. A state that can live side by side with Israel in peace and security.

It is my conviction that this is the most important key to achieving lasting peace and stability in a region that has been contending with protracted, unresolved tension for far too many years.

I will come back to all of this, but first let us look back at deep, historical roots of the conflict.

Mr President,

At its core, the conflict between Israel and Palestine is a story about control over land.

Borders have been drawn. Land areas have been allocated and promised to recipients, often by major powers with their own interests at heart. Little regard was paid to the people who already lived there, even though it was their future that was at stake.

Part of the backdrop for this story is the impact of antisemitism, the rise of Zionism, the annihilation of more than six million Jews by the Nazis – and the effort to establish a safe national home for the Jewish people.

But it is also a story about a Palestinian people being forced to flee – about decades of war, terrorism, conflict, uprising and occupation.

In the wake of the Holocaust, there was strong support for a Jewish homeland.

In 1947 the UN General Assembly adopted a partition plan for the British mandate area of Palestine. The plan envisaged the establishment of a Jewish state and an Arab state, with special status given to the city of Jerusalem. The following year, the State of Israel was established.

As a member of the UN Security Council at the time, Norway voted in favour of Israeli membership of the United Nations in 1949. When explaining the grounds for Norway’s vote, the Norwegian Ambassador to the UN, Arne Sunde, said: ‘We do so in confidence that Israel will cooperate fully with and loyally with all decisions of United Nations organs.’ Norway recognised Israel as a state the same year. 

But the establishment of the other state anticipated under the partition plan did not come about.

The neighbouring Arab countries refused to recognise Israel, and no Palestinian state was established in the areas controlled by Jordan and Egypt after 1948.

In Norway, there was great enthusiasm in all camps for helping to build Israel. My own party envisioned a state based on democratic and socialist principles. Strong ties were developed with the fledgling Israeli society, with political parties and organisations. 

The Six-Day War in 1967 marked a turning point in Norwegian opinion. The Palestinian cause came more to the fore.

In my political party, a new generation began to emerge. While we continued to support Israel and the Israeli people, we also sought to highlight the injustices committed against the Palestinians.

Minister of Foreign Affairs Knut Frydenlund drew attention to the unresolved Palestinian question early on. A dialogue was initiated with the Palestine Liberation Organisation’s Yasser Arafat and other key Palestinian actors.

In the years leading up to the Oslo Accords in the 1990s, Norway had achieved a position of trust and had good contact with both sides. The role we took on had its basis in our good relationship with Israel and our increasingly close contacts with the PLO.

When the Oslo I Accord was signed in 1993, both parties agreed to work towards a two-state solution. The PLO renounced the use of violence. The Palestinian Authority was to be built from the ground up while negotiations on the outstanding issues were being brought to conclusion. Once the issues relating to borders, Jerusalem, the status of refugees and security had been resolved, the Palestinian state would be established. By that point, the necessary political and administrative institutions would be in place. At the time, it was estimated that the process would take five years.

Unfortunately, implementation of the Oslo Accords was rapidly obstructed by extremists on both sides. Events such as the Hebron massacre of 1994, Hamas’s suicide attacks in Israel and the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin in 1995 undermined the accords from the start.

Time passed.

Decades passed.

Along the way, many of us who have been involved in implementing Norway’s foreign policy have asked ourselves whether our policy was part of the solution, or rather part of the problem. Were we actually moving towards a solution, even though it was taking a long time? Or were we merely helping to maintain an illusion, without making true progress?

The establishment of the Palestinian Authority was intended to be part of a process, but increasingly it came to be viewed as a lasting solution. Perhaps this was especially the case for the Israelis. The ability to point to an ongoing ‘process’ made it possible to avoid addressing the most difficult existential questions relating to the borders and characteristics of the state in the here and now.  

When I last served as Foreign Minister 11 years ago, I noted that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was gradually being superseded by other issues that were emerging as more dominant in the Middle East. We saw an Arab Spring, which quickly turned to autumn. We saw a nuclear agreement with Iran that came and went. And we saw Syria and Libya descend into bloody civil wars.  

The conflict between Israel and Palestine continued, but in the shadow of other events. In fact the situation was declining steadily. Year after year of continued occupation, violence, terror, the blockade of Gaza, the separation barrier and Israel’s illegal settlement policy. Many began to view these as perpetual, unsolvable problems. 

The Abraham Accords of 2020 sought to normalise relations between Arab countries and Israel. They kindled a hope for better times.

But this did not apply for the Palestinians. Once again their rights, wishes and hopes were overlooked. Radical forces on both sides took advantage of the situation. Repeated Israeli military actions in the West Bank led more people to support armed groups. This in turn weakened the ability of the Palestinian Authority to promote the well-being and security of the population. And the failure of the Palestinian Authority to maintain adequate governance did little to raise hopes for a better future among younger generations of Palestinians.

In Israel, there were major protests when the Government sought to reform the judicial system. The controversy exacerbated a long-running debate about the type of society Israel should be, about the prioritisation of various groups in the population. More and more resources were being channelled to benefit settlers and the ultra-Orthodox community at the expense of others. 

The situation of the Palestinians was slowly pushed further and further down on the political agenda. Without protection. And without security. As it turned out, the Israelis were not safe either.

Mr President,

On the morning of 7 October last year, a large number of Hamas fighters breached the border and stormed into Israel from Gaza. People were murdered, maimed, assaulted and raped. 

The attackers set fire to and destroyed several kibbutzim near Gaza. Hundreds of young people at a festival were massacred. 1 200 people were killed in Israel that day.

The attackers took 254 hostages back to Gaza. Of these, 35 have been declared dead and 101 are still being held captive by Hamas. Prisoners for more than a year, under unimaginable conditions. Parents, sisters, brothers, children and friends are desperately waiting for their loved ones to come home.

The hostages must be released – immediately and without question or stipulation. The situation for those who are still alive is growing more difficult every day.

The Norwegian Government condemned the terrorist attack of 7 October in the strongest possible terms. It was terrorism of the worst kind, carried out by a terrorist organisation. Hamas was responsible for the attack and also bears much of the responsibility for the heinous events that unfolded. For the terrorism against Israel, for rockets fired against Israel, and for refusing to release the hostages. The attack confirmed the worst fears of the Israeli population and corroborated the lessons of Jewish history: without protection, the people’s biggest fears can come true.

It is important that we truly comprehend how traumatic these attacks were for all the people of Israel, and indeed, for Jewish people across the world.

On top of this came the realisation that Israel’s security forces had failed when it counted most. 

In Israel, the attack on 7 October was seen by many as an existential threat to the State of Israel. The extent and ferocity of the attack shocked the entire world. Young people who had grown up hearing the stories from the Holocaust were themselves faced with the fear of extermination. The belief among the Israeli population that Israelis and Palestinians can live side by side in peace has been further eroded. 

Mr President,

The Israeli Government responded harshly to the terrorist attack. There was to be no doubt in anyone’s mind that Hamas would be crushed once and for all.

The war between Israel and Hamas in Gaza has given rise to a humanitarian catastrophe, with a level of human suffering and devastation that is too much to bear. Gaza, home to more than two million people, is in ruins. Even before the war, the situation for the population was untenable. The people were trapped between Hamas’s brutal control and Israel’s blockade.

The figures reported by the local health authorities, and used by the UN as well, are shocking. In a little over a year, at least 42 600 people have been killed, and some 100 000 have been injured. I fear that the real figures are much higher. More than 10 000 people are missing or still lying in the ruins of bombed-out homes, hospitals, schools and mosques. Entire families have been wiped out. Many of those who have survived have suffered life-changing injuries affecting both body and mind. Children have witnessed atrocities no child should ever see.

Ninety per cent of the population of Gaza have been forced to flee. Israeli air strikes and evacuation orders have driven families from their homes not just once, but over and over. People are attacked as they are fleeing and in the places where they have sought refuge. Law and order have collapsed. No place is safe. Girls and women are particularly vulnerable, for example to gender-based violence.

All the survivors in Gaza have relatives and friends who have been killed or injured. Many have no prospects for the future. The anger towards Israel, and also against the international community that has not stopped the war, is immense. The trauma will last for generations. Gaza will provide fertile ground for recruitment to extremism and terrorism. Achieving a ceasefire is crucial, but far from enough.

Mr President,

Never before have so many aid workers been killed in war in such a short period of time. More than 230 UN employees have been killed in Gaza. Clearly marked UN vehicles are being shot at.

Never before have so many journalists been killed in such a short period of time. Virtually no foreign journalists are being allowed in. More and more of the journalists who are there, the Palestinian journalists, are being killed.

Never before have reports of the imminent risk of a hunger disaster emerged so quickly.

17 000 children and young people are presumed to have been killed in Gaza. That is 50 children – corresponding to two school classes – dying every single day. It is inconceivable.

Mr President, that is a striking number of ‘never befores’. New red lines keep being crossed. The aid organisations have expressed clear concerns about the flagrant disregard this shows for international laws and norms – with spillover effects well beyond Gaza.

Mr President,

In January the International Court of Justice ordered Israel to take immediate and effective measures to ensure that Palestinians in Gaza have access to basic services and humanitarian assistance: food, water, humanitarian aid, fuel, shelter, clothing, hygiene and sanitation supplies, medical supplies and medical help.

Nonetheless, the Netanyahu Government continues to prevent essential supplies from reaching the people who need them. In the past two weeks, scarcely any food or other deliveries have been allowed entry into northern Gaza.

Mr President,

The situation in the West Bank, which has been overshadowed by the war in Gaza, has taken a very dangerous turn.

The Palestinian Authority was established as part of the Oslo Accords. For more than 30 years, the Palestinians have been building state institutions and delivering basic services to the Palestinian population themselves.

In practice, however, the occupation has made it impossible to govern Palestine. The closure of checkpoints and ongoing military actions not only restrict the freedom of movement of individual Palestinians, but also serve to paralyse activities in the business and agricultural sectors as well as in the economy in general, including the collection of tax revenues. The Israeli Government is deliberately and systematically undermining the efforts of the Palestinian Authority.

The Palestinian Authority, Mr President,  opposes violence as a means of achieving political aims. Despite extremely difficult working conditions and internal divisions, the PA has complied with, and continues to comply with, one of its most important obligations under the Oslo Accords: to do its part to maintain security in areas under its control.  

It is difficult to understand how this occupation is supposed to enhance Israel’s security, either in the short term or the long term.

The settlements have just continued to expand, swallowing more and more areas of land belonging to Palestine.

Israel’s settlement policy is in violation of international law. This has been reaffirmed in a number of UN Security Council resolutions, and by the International Court of Justice as early as 2004. The advisory opinion issued by the Court in July 2024 went even further and could not have been clearer: Israel’s continued presence in the Occupied Palestinian Territory is illegal and must be brought to an end.

The occupation deprives the Palestinians of their right to decide over their own lives. They cannot travel between their towns and cities. They cannot harvest their fields and olive groves. They are being robbed of their water resources and livestock. Their properties and belongings are being vandalised. They live in fear of violent and armed settlers who are terrorising their families.

The aim of the extremist settlers is to instil so much fear and inflict so much suffering that the people living in the area feel they have no choice but to abandon their homes. As the occupying power, Israel has an obligation under international law to address the needs of the local Palestinian population, but the reality, Mr President, is that settler attacks increasingly take place with no intervention by the Israeli authorities. Human rights organisations have also reported that the Israeli security forces themselves sometimes participate in these attacks.

Norway has aligned itself with the EU’s sanctions against violent settlers in the West Bank. Other countries including the US have implemented similar measures. Norway will continue to assess the need for further measures. Crimes of violence must have consequences.

Mr President,

Over the last few years, Lebanon has been undergoing a profound economic and social crisis. And now its people are enduring the worst hostilities since the end of the civil war in 1990.   

There has been armed conflict between Israel and Hezbollah for many years, but the hostilities have never been as intense as during the past month. After the terrorist attack by Hamas on 7 October last year, Hezbollah opened a ‘support front’ to the north. By doing this, the Hezbollah leadership linked their actions directly to the situation in Gaza.   

Israel has intensified its air strikes on Hezbollah targets throughout Lebanon, including in densely populated areas in the heart of Beirut, and is now carrying out ground operations in southern Lebanon. At the same time, Hezbollah is continuing to attack military targets and residential areas in Israel.     

This is a proxy war, Mr President. Israel is at war with Hezbollah, not with the Lebanese state. But it is civilians in Lebanon who are paying the highest price. October has already proved to be the deadliest month in Lebanon in a generation.   

Mr President,

In Lebanon, too, history is repeating itself. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict was the main underlying cause of the 15-year Lebanese civil war, which brought huge suffering to the Lebanese people and to Palestinian refugees in Lebanon.

The civil war also caused mass displacements. Internally displaced people were forced to leave their homes, and had nothing to return to. The scenes we are witnessing now are shockingly reminiscent of that time. A large portion of the population of southern Lebanon and the Beqaa Valley – around one million people – is now internally displaced.   

Poverty and social unrest can result in growing sectarian violence. The complete disintegration of Lebanese society would be extremely serious for the country’s people and also pose a significant security threat to Israel.   

Mr President,

Years of internal and external conflict have weakened Lebanon as a state, including the Lebanese army. In 2006, the UN Security Council unanimously adopted Resolution 1701 on Lebanon.    

The resolution requires the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Lebanon and the disarmament of all armed groups, and calls on the Lebanese army together with the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) to exert control over the frontier region with Israel. The resolution is important. And it is more vital than ever to ensure that the parties implement its provisions.    

Many Norwegians are familiar with UNIFIL. Some of the areas that are now being laid waste yet again are well known to the more than 20 000 Norwegians who have served there with the UN. Many of them are following developments in Lebanon very closely.      

Sadly, parts of southern Lebanon already resemble the worst hit areas of Gaza. It is uncertain when or even whether the inhabitants can return.

Mr President,

At present, 13 officers of the Norwegian Armed Forces are deployed to the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO). Four of these have most recently been stationed with the observer group for Lebanon, where their duties have included assisting UNIFIL with important tasks.    

In the last few weeks, attacks by the Israeli army have been threatening the safety of UNIFIL personnel. In addition, Hezbollah has on several occasions restricted their freedom of movement. UNIFIL peacekeepers have been wounded. Attacks on UN peacekeeping forces are completely unacceptable and against international law.

Every missile that is launched, every bomb that is dropped and every ground operation that is conducted takes Israel and Hezbollah further away from the vision set out in UN Security Council Resolution 1701, and makes it increasingly difficult to ensure the safe return of civilians on both sides of the conflict.   

Mr President, far too many lives have already been lost. This has to stop. People from communities in northern Israel and southern Lebanon must be able to return to their homes and live in security, without fear.    

Achieving this will require de-escalation, a ceasefire and political solutions.

Mr President,

It is telling that more than 400 000 people have decided it is safer to flee from Lebanon and cross the border to Syria – a country where war has now been dragging on for more than 13 years.     

The humanitarian situation in Syria has not been worse since armed conflict broke out there in 2011. 

In addition to the situation in countries that are directly affected by fighting, the hostilities are causing problems and threatening stability in other countries in the region. These include Egypt and Jordan, which support the Palestinians’ cause, but also cooperate with Israel and have to justify this to their own people, who are deeply distressed by the suffering they are witnessing.

Mr President,

The Middle East is now waiting anxiously for the next stage of escalation in the conflict between Iran and Israel. Israel has threatened reprisals against Iran, and the form these take may have major implications for how the situation develops.     

The shadow war between the two countries, which for many years was conducted out of the public eye and through proxies, has evolved into a direct, open confrontation. This is a dramatic shift.      

Iran and Israel are both responsible for driving this escalation, which so far has culminated in Iran’s missile barrage against Israel on 1 October.    

We are witnessing provocations, reprisals and counter-reprisals, Iranian support for a network of armed groups that are threatening Israel, and targeted killings of Iranian allies. If this pattern continues, we could see rapid heightening from skirmishes to a full-scale war.  

Mr President, what will be the consequences of this whole situation?  

Children and young people in the Middle East will be contending with the repercussions of the past year’s ruthless and brutal attacks for generations to come. This brutality in turn triggers even more anger and frustration. Young people throughout the region have seen friends, siblings and parents killed and incapacitated, they have been driven from house and home, and they may well have lost any faith that better days will come.    

Here in Norway, too, many people are left with a feeling of despair as they see that injustices are being committed without anyone being held accountable. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has greater symbolic power than any other conflict in the world. When I meet people in different countries around the world, it is clear how much this conflict defines the way they interpret the world around them.       

All of this, on top of a feeling of impotence that has developed over the decades, serves to weaken moderate voices and a belief in dialogue, and provides fuel for other factions.
The images that affect us so deeply here in Norway also feed the ideas of radical and violent extremist groups all over the world. Groups like this are now exploiting the situation in Gaza to radicalise, recruit and mobilise more support.

Mr President,

The UN Security Council is the world’s primary body for maintaining international peace and security. But for more than a year, it has been at a stalemate in the face of the most deadly conflict in the Middle East for many years.         

Today is United Nations Day, but the UN is under attack, both literally and metaphorically.     

Israel’s extreme rhetoric, which targets the UN, its Secretary-General, and UNRWA, the UN agency that provides humanitarian assistance and protection for Palestinian refugees, is a direct attack on the international framework that our collective security depends on.     

UNRWA is the UN organisation that more than any other has functioned as a lifeline for Palestinian refugees. Now it is in the firing line, its very existence hanging by a thread. Norway has been at the forefront of efforts to prevent this from happening. We have increased Norwegian funding for UNRWA. And we are pleased that almost all the donors who suspended funding have now resumed their contributions.      

Ultimately, the goal is to be able to terminate UNRWA’s mandate by finding a lasting solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. But without UNRWA, it would be impossible for the Palestinian Authority to provide education and health services to a large part of the population. Other countries in the region would face similar problems.

Mr President,

Over the past year, we have seen an alarming lack of respect for international law. States have ignored rulings and statements by the International Court of Justice to an extent that has no parallel in recent history. Fundamental principles on the protection of civilians and humanitarian relief personnel are being broken every single day.   

By allowing a lack of respect for basic norms of behaviour to continue we are damaging ourselves as well. This situation is damaging Western countries’ standing in the world and undermining belief in the value of international cooperation.  

Mr President,

This is an extremely serious state of affairs for Norway.

It is almost impossible to overstate the importance to Norway’s welfare and security of a world order based on international law.    

The undermining of the UN, multilateral institutions and the global frameworks we have adopted poses one of the greatest threats to our security today.     

Although I am focusing mainly on the Middle East in today’s address, we must not forget the bigger picture. The war in Ukraine is also continuing, Sudan is suffering from war and famine, and the range of actors involved in conflicts is constantly growing.    

International law is under pressure from various quarters. These may be groups or states that benefit from sowing discord or from undermining a predictable international framework.      

This is why the Norwegian Government will consistently defend international rules, regardless of whether those who fall victim to the brutality of war are from Palestine, Israel, Lebanon or Ukraine.       

We can never accept violations of international law, regardless of who the perpetrators are, which rules they break or why.    

Diminished respect for international law also poses a threat to what is by far Norway’s most important security policy interest at present: that Russia must not be allowed to win in Ukraine.    

Far too many countries are failing to respond to violations of international law committed by Russia, using the excuse that other countries are applying double standards to the use of force internationally, for example in the Middle East. We are doing our best to counteract this attitude by ensuring that Norway’s approach to the situation in the Middle East is clear, consistent and principled. This has earned us considerable recognition across the world. And we are using this as capital to mobilise more support for Ukraine from countries in the Global South.

The situation in the Middle East is also having an impact on Norway’s foreign and security policy interests. The Middle East is part of our broader neighbourhood. The escalation of conflict we are now witnessing in the region places renewed focus on issues relating to energy prices, migration and maritime security. These are not just their local issues. Problems in the Middle East become our problems as well. This became very clear during the 2015 refugee crisis. Norway is caught up in these events too. We are appealing for ceasefire and de-escalation not just for the sake of the people directly involved, but also because our interests and our security are at stake.

Mr President,

Iran is playing a highly questionable role in various areas, and is also challenging Norwegian interests.     

There are consignments of arms to Russia for use in Ukraine, destabilising activities in neighbouring areas, and covert activities in European countries. At home, Iran brutally suppresses peaceful demonstrations. The number of executions has risen to a record level.     

The situation is completely unacceptable. Norway has aligned itself with the EU sanctions against Iran.    

However, it is also clear to the Government that sanctions and pressure on their own will not be effective. We must also interact with, and challenge, Iran, and urge it to change its behaviour. But we cannot rely on the stick alone. If we do, we risk a deadlocked situation that would not serve our interests.     

Pushing Iran into isolation, outside the international community, would create a huge challenge for the Middle East as well as jeopardise international stability.  

This is why the Gulf states and other Arab countries, which clearly need their own security arrangements, are giving priority to involvement rather than military escalation. And it is also why Norway maintains contact with the Iranian regime. History has shown that isolation does not work.         

The aim must be to ensure that Iran is fully integrated into the regional community. This would benefit both Iran’s neighbours and Israel. And it would also be better for Norway’s security.

Mr President,

There is little doubt that the conflicts in the Middle East are affecting us directly, even here in Norway.    

The Norwegian police recently raised the terror threat level here from moderate to high (level four).       

Many Jews in Norway have been feeling increasingly unsafe over the past year. This is completely unacceptable. The atmosphere and public debate have become darker and more uncompromising. There is growing polarisation. Because it affects us right here, in our daily lives. We are seeing prejudice, demonised images of the enemy – here in our own country, where we work to promote openness and inclusivity.       

Many Norwegians with roots in or ties to Palestine and the Middle East are also deeply affected by the images we are seeing every day. They too are distressed by the deep injustice they are witnessing.    

To all those who are feeling unsafe, let me assure you that you are not in this alone.   

We all share a responsibility for combating hate speech, antisemitism and islamophobia.    

We all share a responsibility to uphold one of this country’s finest qualities: our ability to maintain a civilised debate and live together in peace.

Mr President,

The Government’s policy on the Middle East is designed along three main tracks.

First, we are doing everything we can to achieve a ceasefire and regional de-escalation.

It is highly unlikely that the crisis in the Middle East will end in quashing ideological movements once and for all through military means. The killings of key Hamas and Hezbollah leaders have caused a clear setback, but this is only temporary, as such organisations have great ability to adapt. Only by addressing the underlying problems can we reduce recruitment to extremist organisations.

However, the killings of Ismail Haniyeh and Yahya Sinwar of Hamas and Hassan Nasrallah of Hezbollah could have given Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu an opportunity to say that the leading figures responsible for the terrorism against Israel have now been eliminated, and that it is now time to end the war.

At some point there will be ceasefires, both in Gaza and between Hezbollah and Israel.

But for every day that passes, more lives are ruined, more red lines are crossed, and it becomes more difficult to find a way back.

Second, Norway will continue to work to alleviate the humanitarian crisis in the Middle East.

We have already provided more than NOK 1 billion in humanitarian aid to Palestine this year.

Altogether, Norway’s funding for Palestine and Palestinian refugees in the region will amount to more than NOK 1.75 billion in 2024.

There is widespread humanitarian need in Lebanon, and the situation has grown even more difficult in recent weeks. More than 1.2 million people have been internally displaced.

Today, Norway is taking part in a conference being held in Paris in support of Lebanon. This year Norway will provide a total of NOK 379 million to help alleviate humanitarian needs in the country. This includes support both for refugees and for vulnerable Lebanese.

We must be prepared to continue to provide assistance to the region for a very long time to come.

Sometimes, sending emergency aid is not enough. It is also important to secure humanitarian access to enable the aid to reach its destination. There are too many examples of life-saving supplies that are ready for delivery but never make it in to those who need them.

Mr President,

As in all crises, humanitarian assistance is like putting a plaster on a cut. It is absolutely crucial there and then. But it is always better to avoid getting cut in the first place. We simply cannot fail to seize this opportunity to address the underlying problems. 

 

When the war is over, it will not be enough to just rebuild infrastructure yet again. We need to apply a more fundamental approach. This is why principles for the reconstruction of Gaza were among the key topics discussed at the meeting of the Ad Hoc Liaison Committee (AHLC), the international donor group for Palestine, which was chaired by Norway during the UN General Assembly in New York.

 

Third, Norway is working with partners within and outside the region to intensify international efforts to achieve a two-state solution adapted to today’s reality. Bringing this conflict to an end will require diplomatic efforts that not only offer a solution to the immediate crisis, but also address long-term security needs of the various parties. And at the core of these efforts lies the need to resolve the Palestinian question.

Mr President,

Our commitment to the two-state solution entails that we are now supporting Palestinian statehood and security just as we once supported, and still support, Israeli statehood and security.

The Palestinian people have an inalienable right to self-determination. This has been established by the International Court of Justice.

On 22 May, the Government announced that Norway would recognise Palestine as a state. Norway formally recognised Palestine on 28 May, together with Spain and Ireland. Slovenia followed suit a few days later. Thus, Norway joined the vast majority of countries that have recognised Palestine as a state. As of today, 149 out of 193 UN member states, more than three-quarters of the member states, have done so. And it is worth noting that many of the countries that have not yet recognised Palestine, have nevertheless voted in favour of Palestine becoming a full member of the UN.  

Levelling the balance of power between Israel and Palestine will also enable the Palestinian state to negotiate with the Israeli state from a stronger, more equal position when the time comes to resume negotiations. 

Norway’s recognition of Palestine is also a manifestation of support for the moderate forces in Palestine and Israel alike. For the many people on both sides who are working to achieve the two-state solution through peaceful means.

For those who are committed to respecting international law and complying with relevant UN resolutions.

By recognising Palestine, we are reaffirming that we want one united Palestine, as envisioned in the Oslo Accords. We need a strong Palestinian Authority that can govern both the West Bank and Gaza.

For more than 30 years, we have provided substantial resources to support the Palestinians in their efforts to build their own authorities and institutions. We have – in our capacity as chair of the international donor group for Palestine (AHLC) – provided financial support, we have deployed experts, and we have brought together the parties, donors and international organisations to work to secure agreement on the division of tasks and responsibilities of all those involved. There are many who want Palestine’s state-building project to succeed. These efforts will continue unabated.

The Government has always intended to recognise Palestine. But we envisaged that the right moment to do so was at the end of a process where the two parties had succeeded in negotiating a solution to the conflict.

Now, however, more than 30 years after Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin shook hands in front of the White House, we have acknowledged that our previous approach to achieving a solution to the conflict was no longer viable. There have been numerous negotiation attempts, but none of them have led to any real progress.  

Either because the political will was lacking, or because other obstacles have got in the way: violence, terrorism, violations of international law and political divisions. Over the past decade, there have been no meaningful negotiations at all. 

That is why we needed to rethink our approach.

Mr President,

We are convinced that the two-state solution is the only solution that can bring lasting peace. This is not due to naivety on our part, as some critics maintain. Nor is this due to an unwillingness to let go of what some people describe as an outdated idea that no longer has any basis in reality.    

Under other circumstances, the best path could have been to support a one-state solution, i.e. one democratic state for two peoples, with equal rights for all. But in this situation, it is not possible to look past everything that these two peoples have experienced in the course of all these years. What about the dream of a Jewish homeland, many Israelis will ask. And now, after all that has happened, both Palestinians and Israelis will struggle to accept a solution that involves sharing one state.  

Given this context, with two peoples that both have a right to self-determination, I have yet to see any credible alternatives.The path to a two-state solution will be difficult. But there are many models available that can be used to address the complex practical questions already created by developments on the ground. As long as there is the necessary political will, international law is respected, and we have reached a point when Israelis and Palestinians can be confident that they can all live in freedom in their respective homelands forever. 

So the question, Mr President, is this: what more can Norway – and other countries – do now that some people no longer support the two-state solution?

It is not enough just to say the right things and have the right intentions.

We must dare to take concrete steps to continue to build – and to realise – the Palestinian state. And to move closer to the goal of achieving a sustainable two-state solution.

We will build on all the good work that has already been done. And on the foundation that has been laid. In the Security Council. In the General Assembly. In Madrid, Oslo, Brussels and under the Arab Peace Initiative. We will also build on the parties’ own commitments to each other, made at a time of greater optimism. All this has provided importance guidance for our efforts that we will hold on to and seek inspiration from. 

Over the past year, Norway has been heavily involved in discussions with other countries and actors on what is now the key question for us: What can we ourselves do to move things forward?

This spring, Norway and Saudi Arabia co-chaired a series of meetings between Arab, Muslim and European countries where these questions were high on the agenda. Last month in New York, Norway, Saudi Arabia and the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy launched a new global alliance aimed at implementing the Palestinian state and the two-state solution. Close to 100 countries participated in the launch event.

Achieving our objectives will require a broader regional framework, with normalisation of relations with Israel as a core component. These efforts have drawn inspiration from the Arab Peace Initiative of 2002, but have been adapted to today’s realities.

The updated regional framework encompasses six main elements.

First, universal recognition of the Palestinian state and full UN membership for Palestine.

Second, a substantial strengthening of the Palestinian Authority’s financial situation and capacity to govern, accompanied by implementation of essential reforms.

Third, early planning for the Palestinian Authority’s future return to Gaza. 

Fourth, security guarantees for both Israel and Palestine, with broad support throughout the region itself.

Fifth, demobilisation of non-state armed groups, such as Hamas.

And last but not least, normalisation of relations between Saudi Arabia and other Arab countries and Israel. Something Israel badly wants.

The meetings held so far have confirmed that more and more countries want the same thing: to break the current deadlock. And to use the deep crisis we are currently in to  create momentum for progress. So as to prevent further endless rounds of war and destruction.   

The fact that more Western countries are now recognising Palestine is a key part of this.

A number of Arab countries have once again reaffirmed what they pledged more than 20 years ago, that they are prepared to give Israel credible security guarantees, in exchange for freedom for the Palestinians and lasting peace.

It is important to remember here that the key Arab countries that are contributing to these efforts – Saudi Arabia, the Gulf states, Jordan and Egypt – are all seeking to weaken the Iranian-backed ‘axis of resistance’, i.e. militant groups such as Hezbollah, Hamas, Islamic Jihad and the Houthis. A number of them have launched their own crackdown on such groups, in particular on the Muslim Brotherhood.

I believe this opens up an opportunity for Israel, too, to finally become fully integrated in its own region. However, the past year has also made it clear that unless a Palestinian state is established, any normalisation of relations between Israel and countries such as Saudi Arabia is no longer a possible scenario. 

As a friend of Israel, we understand and support Israel’s need to ensure security for its own people, in its own country with internationally recognised borders. Israel has the right to defend itself within the parameters set by international law.

At the same time: Israel, as the occupying power, can no longer have a veto over what happens in a territory it is occupying in violation of international law. Israel is entitled to control the territory that rightfully belongs to it, i.e. within the pre-1967 lines, and Israel does have a legitimate interest in what happens in Palestine, but it can no longer be allowed to hold an eternal veto over the heads of the Palestinians.

There is a stark contrast between the Israel that is a modern, democratic and advanced state admired by many, and Israel, the occupying power, that continues to deprive the Palestinians of their rights.

Israel needs to choose its course. Either to live according to the democratic values of freedom, justice and equality for all, as set out in the Israeli Declaration of Independence in 1948, which also refers to the UN partition plan, or risk further criticism and isolation because of its continued occupation and brutal conduct towards the Palestinians.  

Mr President,

As I draw to a close, I would like to say a few words about our relations with Israel. For decades, Norway has had a Representative Office in Al Ram, Palestine. In August, Israeli Foreign Minister Israel Katz announced that the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs was revoking the diplomatic status of the Norwegian diplomats in Al Ram, and would not be granting new accreditation.  

This made it impossible to keep the Representative Office in Al Ram open and it has now been temporarily closed. It is the Palestinians that we assisted from our Office in Al Ram who are suffering as a result.

It is our clear view that these actions by Israel are in violation of international law and Israel’s obligation to facilitate the delivery of humanitarian assistance to Palestinians living under occupation. A number of other countries and actors have also reacted strongly to Israel’s actions.

Some have called for more stringent sanctions against Israel. As mentioned, Norway has aligned itself with EU sanctions against extremist settlers and against Hamas. And we are discussing the need for even more forceful sanctions with our European partners. As yet no agreement has been reached.   

The Government’s position regarding unilateral sanctions is straightforward. Such sanctions do not work. There is also broad political consensus in Norway that we do not adopt sanctions unilaterally. We must use other instruments instead.     

The Government holds Norwegian companies accountable through the Norwegian Transparency Act (Åpenhetsloven) and expects Norwegian companies to be familiar with, and comply with, the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights and the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises. Based on these instruments, the Government has advised Norwegian companies not to engage in trade or business cooperation that serve to perpetuate Israel’s illegal presence in Palestine.

We further updated this advice at the end of last week, based on the advisory opinion issued by the International Court of Justice in July.  We have made it absolutely clear that all trade and business cooperation that serves to perpetuate Israel’s occupation of Palestine entails a risk that the company concerned could be viewed as jointly responsible for violations of international law. This advice is crystal clear, and I assume that Norwegian companies are adhering to it, as the Confederation of Norwegian Enterprise has said they will do. We will continue to work with other ministries, the business sector and other relevant actors to ensure that the advice is being followed.     

Norway pursues – and has always pursued a strict export control policy vis-à-vis Israel. It is not permitted to sell Norwegian-made weapons to Israel.

On 18 September, Norway co-sponsored a resolution put forward by Palestine in the UN General Assembly. The resolution follows up the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice from July and was adopted by the General Assembly with an overwhelming majority. The resolution places a number of demands on Israel and calls on the international community to take a range of steps, including steps towards ceasing arms exports to Israel in all cases where there are reasonable grounds to suspect that they may be used in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. Norway is currently following this up as part of a core group in the UN.  

Mr President,

We have a good framework in place – with broad support in this chamber – for assessing whether companies in the Government Pension Fund Global (GPFG) portfolio should be placed under observation or excluded.  

The purpose is to ensure that the GPFG is not invested in companies that contribute to or are themselves responsible for serious violations of fundamental ethical norms, including violations of human rights or violations of the rights of individuals in situations of war or conflict. The Council on Ethics for the GPFG is charged with evaluating whether or not the Fund’s investment in specified companies is inconsistent with its  Ethical Guidelines, which they assess on an ongoing basis, and the Executive Board of Norges Bank (the central bank of Norway) takes the final decisions on whether to exclude companies from the Fund’s portfolio. 

In this connection, we have noted that the Council on Ethics has indicated that the Ethical Guidelines provide grounds for excluding more companies operating in occupied territory from the Fund, in addition to those that have already been excluded.

Mr President,

It is easy to become numb to the human suffering we are seeing, and to lose heart.

But we have a responsibility to do our part to bring an end to the suffering, as well as to promote long-term solutions.

History has shown that deep crises can also give rise to significant opportunities. 

We have a responsibility to remember that the political choices we make now will have an impact further down the road. On our lives and the lives of others. 

The current situation is untenable. This has never been clearer. Israelis and Palestinians, and everyone else in the Middle East, deserve to live their lives in dignity, free from violence and fear. We cannot stand passively by. We must make it plain that a clear framework for ending the conflict must be put in place now, before it is too late. We must take every step it is in our power to take.

We cannot leave it up to those who sow division and conflict to determine the future.

That is why Norway recognised Palestine.

That is why the Government is doing everything it can to prevent further regional escalation, to secure a ceasefire, and to ensure that humanitarian assistance reaches all those who need it.

That is why we are urging other countries to join us in stressing the need for universal respect for international law and highlighting the importance of the UN.

And that is why we are continuing to devote our energies to participating in a broad international effort aimed at realising the Palestinian state, the two-state solution and lasting peace.