Statement before NATO Summit in Washington D.C.

The factor that motivated us to become a member of NATO was:

"A burning desire to help to spare the world from the horrors that we all know would result from a new war, not just for our own country, but for the whole world".

These are the words of former Minister of Foreign Affairs Halvard Lange. The date is 29 March 1949. The place is this chamber. The occasion is the consent of the Storting to the ratification of the North Atlantic Treaty between the USA, Canada and ten western European states.

The fact that Norway signed the North Atlantic Treaty in Washington on 4 April 1949 together with these allies was by no means a foregone conclusion 50 years ago. There is today greater political consensus concerning our membership of NATO than ever before.

New countries have joined the NATO community. Last week, Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary became members of the Alliance. This was a new milestone in European history.

This week sees the conclusion of "Battle Griffin", one of the big NATO exercises that have been held in Norway during recent years. At the same time, on the other side of Europe, NATO's member countries stand prepared to support the political efforts to attain lasting peace in Kosovo. These are two aspects of the same peacemaking community of defence and ethical values that NATO has become.

For half a century, NATO has been a mainstay of Norwegian foreign, security and defence policy. The Alliance has joined our country to a binding European and transatlantic cooperation, based on solidarity and fellowship. NATO's collective defence commitment has made us secure in the knowledge that our allies will safeguard our security. Through NATO, and with the support of our allies, we have built up a defence to be relied upon. This has given Norway security during a period marked by tension in Europe. Membership of the Alliance has given Norway joint responsibility for and influence over the !?!main outlines of European security policy.

NATO has played a key role in shaping the new Europe that has emerged after a century marked by conflicts, wars and totalitarian ideologies. Only 10 years ago it was unthinkable that we Europeans would be able to look forward to a new century with the prospect of peace and progress throughout the continent, with no artificial dividing lines. However, by ensuring peace and stable conditions for growth and prosperity in the west, NATO helped to break down the Berlin Wall and disseminate values such as liberty, democracy and human rights to countries in eastern as well as western Europe.

NATO has combined military deterrence capability with a political will to hold dialogues across dividing lines. Halvard Lange, as one of those known as the "three wise men", played a major role at the end of the 1950s in the work of formulating this bilateral approach, where an increased emphasis was placed on political cooperation. At the end of the 1960s, this approach was expressed in the Harmel report . The result is that Europe now cooperates on the basis of common values and objectives.

At the same time, we must be realistic and not allow ourselves too many illusions. As we have experienced throughout history, most recently in the former Yugoslavia, animosity and intolerance always carry within them the potential for conflict, and this is no less true of our own continent. We are therefore morally and politically obliged to maintain extensive preparedness against atrocities and humanitarian crises – national, regional and global. Lasting freedom and peace cannot unfortunately be taken for granted. We must therefore continue our work for peace on a broad front. NATO must continue to function as a key instrument in this work.

Kosovo is currently the most pressing example of the fact that we still face threats against peace and security in Europe, although the character of these threats has changed since the end of the Cold War. Nationalism and historical antipathies as well as ethnic and religious conflicts give rise to new challenges even today. The Alliance has shown a considerable capacity for adapting to the new situation. In Bosnia, in close cooperation with new partner countries, NATO effectively intervened to end the conflict. In Kosovo, NATO may soon face new peace assignments. The way these are handled may leave its mark on the Alliance's activities for a long time to come.

Let me make this clear: the readjustment that NATO has undergone since the end of the Cold War has strengthened the Alliance. The new tasks in the field of crisis management and the activities in relation to partner countries have given NATO a broader role to play in European peace and security. The process of expansion and cooperation with partners also involves a strengthening of the values on which the North Atlantic Treaty is founded – democracy, human rights and the rule of law – throughout the Euro-Atlantic area.

It is decisive for our own security in Norway and for our ability to take our share of the responsibility that NATO retains its role as a major and vital supporter of peace and stability in our part of the world.

In its preparations for the NATO summit in Washington, the Government therefore places great emphasis on making an active contribution to the ongoing efforts to transform NATO. The Government will at the same time seek to ensure that NATO preserves and enhances the special qualities of the cooperation – solidarity between member countries and joint integrated defence systems. We regard this as essential to the maintenance of political and military cooperation in the Alliance.

Although the programme for the NATO summit in Washington 23–25 April will be within the framework of the 50th anniversary, the current tasks faced by the Alliance in the Balkans will also be a major theme. Heads of State and Government from the NATO member countries will commemorate the fact that it is now 50 years since the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty and the formation of the Atlantic Alliance. The main message will be NATO's contribution to stability and peace in the north Atlantic area. The significance of the Alliance for our own security will accordingly constitute the framework of the Government's commemoration of NATO's 50th anniversary here in Norway. The summit will also adopt a declaration stating the responsibilities of the Alliance at the start of a new century.

The summit in Washington will be the first to be attended by Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary. The three new members mean that NATO's guarantee of security has been extended to include a further 60 million people. Norway is looking forward to a valuable cooperation in NATO with these three countries. It is a pleasure to note that they are once more able make a valuable contribution to European shared values.

The summit will confirm that NATO's door will remain open to further new members. At the same time, it will seek to revitalize NATO's increasingly extensive cooperation with Russia, Ukraine and the other partner countries. A meeting is planned in the NATO-Russia Permanent Joint Council, and we hope that President Yeltsin or Prime Minister Primakov will attend. Summits are also to be held in the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council and in the NATO-Ukraine Commission.

In the rest of this statement I will focus on certain issues that Norway has particularly emphasized in its preparations for the NATO summit: the Strategic Concept, the enlargement process, cooperation with Russia and the other partner countries, the development of the European security and defence identity, and the adaptation of the Alliance's military capability to meet new challenges.

One of the main priorities in the preparations for the summit is the adaptation of NATO's Strategic Concept. This is NATO's "platform of principles", intended to confirm the basis of the Alliance and establish NATO's major tasks in the years ahead. The Concept is also the main steering document for military planning in NATO.

In close cooperation with the UN, the OSCE and major partner countries such as Russia, NATO has in recent years extended its political and military involvement in ensuring security and stability throughout Europe. Good examples of this are NATO's efforts to implement the Dayton Agreement in Bosnia and the will to provide military support for a possible negotiated solution to the conflict in Kosovo.

In the work on the Strategic Concept it is important for the Government to help to ensure a balance between the continuation of NATO's traditional functions and its new responsibilities. The basic responsibility of the Alliance must be to ensure the security of its member countries. The commitments laid down in the North Atlantic Treaty, political consultations and the integrated military cooperation form the backbone of the Alliance. Transatlantic cooperation and collective defence must continue to be core functions. This is of major importance for Norway. Without close cooperation between Europe and North America, and a pronounced military capability to carry out Article 5 tasks, NATO would not be able to carry out these new responsibilities.

At the same time, the Government considers it important to ensure that the new responsibilities, which are concerned with crisis management, peace operations and cooperation with partners, are allotted a central place in the revised Strategic Concept. These responsibilities too must be regarded as being fundamental for the Alliance. Conflicts such as those occurring in the Balkans influence regional stability, European and international security, and the interests of member countries. They occupy all European countries and the international community. We cannot turn our backs on unrest and violence, not even in our neighbouring areas in Europe.

In the Government's view, Norway must actively support and help to strengthen NATO's role in crisis management. Norway has always been a major contributor to peacekeeping operations. Over 50 000 Norwegian women and men have participated in UN peace operations. During recent years, we have continued this involvement in NATO-led operations in the Balkans. This is a consequence of the increasing responsibility allocated by the UN to regional organizations in the demanding peace operations that have taken place during the 1990s. NATO’s political and military resources in this respect are unique. As we see in the case of the SFOR force in Bosnia, broad participation by military personnel from partner countries, including Russia, constitutes a key element of NATO's peace operations.

Such crisis management demands a broad range of civilian and military instruments and close cooperation between international organizations. NATO and the OSCE have extensive responsibilities in Bosnia, and may acquire even more demanding responsibilities in Kosovo. Norway has made an active contribution to the development of closer cooperation between the OSCE and NATO.

The increased emphasis on international peace operations in NATO means that increasing demands are also being made on Norway to participate in such operations with appropriate forces. We participate actively in Bosnia. We are also prepared to do so in Kosovo in the event of a peace agreement and the establishment of an international force to monitor it. It is important that Norway makes a real contribution both in terms of the practical tasks that have to be carried out and out of consideration for allied and international solidarity. Active participation in NATO's peace operations is part of the solidarity expected of member countries. Allied involvement in our neighbouring areas cannot be viewed separately from our willingness to address joint tasks in other parts of Europe.

NATO's active involvement in peacekeeping involves considerable responsibilities for the armed forces in the years to come. Before the summer, the Government will submit a report to the Storting concerning Norway's participation in international operations. The objective is to lay the basis for a more efficient, flexible and appropriate system for Norwegian participation in operations abroad, whether these are carried out within the framework of NATO, the UN or other organizations. The Government will strengthen recruitment to our emergency forces and operations abroad.

NATO's increased involvement in crisis management, and most recently in the conflict in Kosovo, have resulted in a discussion concerning the basis in international law for carrying out peace operations. This is a major issue. The Government views it as a matter of fundamental importance that NATO's activities in this area are founded on international law. This is in accordance with Norway's basic commitment to international order based on legal rules. It is also important to ensure the greatest possible political support and breadth of international involvement in individual conflicts. We wish this to be reflected in the revised Strategic Concept.

The Government regards it as being of fundamental importance that such use of force be founded on international law, either by consent of the parties, in accordance with the right to self defence pursuant to Article 51 of the UN Charter, or by a mandate from the Security Council pursuant to Chapter VII or VIII of the Charter. When assessing whether there is a threat to international peace and security that may make coercive measures appropriate pursuant to Chapter VII of the UN Charter, the Security Council may take account of difficult humanitarian situations, and when there is a basis in international law, humanitarian considerations may be given high priority when deciding whether armed forces shall in fact be used.

At the same time, we cannot rule out the possibility of a situation where it is not possible to obtain a explicit authorization for the use of force from the UN Security Council. In such a case, an assessment must, if necessary, be made as to whether there is nevertheless a basis for doing so in international law. This was the situation when NATO prepared itself to use force in Kosovo last autumn. Acts of war and heavy attacks on the civilian population of the area had given rise to an extremely serious situation. In Resolution 1199, the Security Council established that the situation constituted a threat to peace and security in the area, and referred to Chapter VII. The Security Council demanded an immediate cease-fire, and warned that further measures would be considered if the demands laid down in the Council's resolutions were not met. This was a serious warning from the Council that military measures might be considered necessary. After an overall assessment on the basis of Resolution 1199, the Secretary-General's report of 6 October last year concerning the lack of compliance with the resolution and the statement made by the President of the Security Council on the same day, we concluded that there was justification for the use of force on the basis of international law. The other allied countries had similar attitudes, and there was broad support for such a view in the parliamentary bodies.

The situation in Kosovo is still extremely tense. The Serbs are responsible for clear violations of the agreements concluded last October. The number of refugees is increasing. We cannot rule out the possibility of a breakdown of the negotiations in Rambouillet. The Kosovar Albanians have announced that they are willing to sign the agreement as it stands, but the Serbs have not agreed to sign. In such a situation, it may again be necessary for NATO to use force on the same basis as last autumn.

The international situation is becoming increasingly complex. Internal and regional conflicts originating in national, ethnic or religious differences lead to instability, such as we now see in the Balkans. Social unrest, humanitarian distress and the flow of refugees in Europe’s neighbouring areas, North Africa, the Middle East and the Caucasus are matters that, not least, preoccupy the southern European NATO countries. European security and welfare are also affected by challenges of a more global nature, such as the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and international terrorism.

NATO must be able to address crises that may have consequences for common security interests. However, no member country wishes to make NATO a global organization. It is the Government's view that NATO's focus must continue to be the Euro-Atlantic area. We do not envisage an extension of NATO's geographical area of responsibility beyond that of the member countries.

At the same time, the new constellation of risks may result in security in Europe being affected by conflicts within a larger perspective. This may affect NATO’s role. The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and the means for launching such weapons is a considerable challenge for the international community.

We must take the consequences of the risk of proliferation and for the possibility that non-state players may make use of weapons of mass destruction. We must therefore strengthen cooperation and exchange of information in this area within NATO. This will enable us to support through NATO the work that is being carried out in other international fora.

The promotion of global nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation is an important objective for the Government. Norway will work actively to bring about further reductions in the nuclear weapons arsenals. We are involved in disarmament work in a number of different fora: in the UN, the Disarmament Conference in Geneva, through the Non-Proliferation Agreement. In this connection, I should like to mention that the Government decided in the Council of State on 12 March to request the consent of the Storting to ratify the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. I hope the Storting will be able to give its consent to ratification as soon as possible.

As regards NATO, Norway has advocated that the paragraphs of the Strategic Concept relating to the use of nuclear weapons must be subjected to review and revision, as in the case of the other parts of the Concept. The Government also holds the view that in following up the summit, there is a need for a broad review of NATO's work for nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. NATO's nuclear forces have been considerably reduced during recent years, and the level of preparedness for the remaining weapons has been significantly lowered. These conditions are reflected in NATO's planning. The Government advocates that this positive development be confirmed in the Strategic Concept. It must be indicated that we wish to continue our efforts to promote disarmament. We will likewise seek to make it clear that the likelihood of nuclear weapons being used is extremely remote. We have raised these views with allied countries in keeping with the priority that we give to nuclear disarmament. However, the discussion showed that there is no basis for raising the issue of amendments to NATO's nuclear weapons doctrine in connection with the revision of the Strategic Concept.

There is currently no direct military threat to NATO member countries. The Alliance should nevertheless maintain the capability to build up forces over time if such a threat should once more arise. The Government places major emphasis on NATO's defence planning continuing to reflect that the Alliance must be capable of deterrence, and if necessary of defending all allied countries against any form of aggression. The basis for this will continue to be the principle of collective solidarity and an effectively integrated military cooperation, involving joint activities and joint financing.

A broad debate is currently taking place in all of NATO's member countries concerning how defence and military forces are to be adapted to the new risks and tasks. Extensive restructuring has been carried out or is being considered in most NATO member countries. Last autumn, the USA presented an ambitious proposal for a programme for further development of allied military forces to make them considerably more strategically mobile, effective, sustainable, and survivable. The proposal is referred to as "Defence Capabilities Initiative" (DCI) and is intended to contribute to a strengthening of NATO's capacity for effective crisis management based on integrated multinational units.

The USA's initiative raises important issues in relation to the future approach to defence cooperation in NATO. This also applies to our own defence, which is primarily based on compulsory military service, mobilization and support from the civil society, and is to a great extent focused on protection of our own territory.

The Government considers that there is a need for a review of defence policy with an emphasis on defence tasks and level of ambition. The review must be based on the recommendations from the NATO summit that I have described above – including the relationship between the traditional core tasks and NATO's participation in international peace operations – on developments Norway’s neighbouring areas, and on the main principles of the defence concept on which there has been broad agreement in Norway. Important issues for the review must be what requirements we can stipulate regarding the reaction capability of different parts of the defence forces, how we practise the implementation of general military service and other main elements of our defence concept. In this connection, the rapid technological development and the rising costs of defence materiel are important. The review may result in changes to the relationship between quantity and quality, and a greater differentiation of our forces. The purpose will be to ensure that the defence establishment is able to meet security policy challenges both today and in the years ahead.

On this basis, I will take the initiative to review defence policy by means of a fast-track committee with broad political participation, which is to provide general and fundamental recommendations prior to the preparation of the next long-term report on the defence establishment. The recommendations of the committee will of course also be subject to assessment and discussion in this chamber. It will be important to view Norwegian defence establishment in relation to the development of NATO's military cooperation. A credible and effective defence of Norwegian areas in the context of the Alliance will continue to be the most important task. However, since war in our area fortunately appears highly improbable today, we must consider whether this task may not be better accomplished in a way that ensures a closer integration of Norway's defence establishment into allied cooperation. Such a development would also enable more direct association of allied forces with the Norwegian forces if we should once again experience increased tension. We wish at the same time to strengthen our efforts for peace and stability in cooperation with our allies and new partners. Cooperation in peace operations with the other Nordic countries will also play a major part.

NATO's new command structure is scheduled to be clarified before the summit in Washington. This will give Norway closer ties with our allies on the continent, and ensure that we, to a greater extent than today, are part of the same community as the other countries in northern Europe. In connection with work on the new command structure, the Government has considered it important to ensure that the new regional command will be able to fulfil all of the tasks that are currently the responsibility of AFNORTHWEST, not least regarding surveillance of the northern areas and carrying out joint operations.

Norway will retain a subregional joint NATO headquarters at Jåtta, more or less corresponding to that we have today. It is important that the new structure continues to safeguard national interests associated with the headquarters at Jåtta. This includes maintaining our capacity to receive allied reinforcements, the carrying out of military exercises and training in our area, and the continued exercise of sovereignty and territorial control. Multinational participation at the NATO headquarters in Norway plays an important role in ensuring that our allies are aware of the particular challenges in our part of Europe.

The Government actively supports NATO's enlargement process. This is an expression of NATO's adaptation to a new security policy landscape. By admitting new member countries, NATO will contribute to the promotion of a higher level of security and defence policy cooperation in Europe.

The Government attaches considerable importance to the fact that NATO is open to admitting new members. The summit must indicate clearly that further membership invitations will be made at a later date. Norway has proposed that the enlargement process be reconsidered at the Alliance's next summit.

In the Government's view, it is also important that the summit develops and reinforces cooperation, both with the candidate countries and with the other partner countries. In keeping with this, Norway has advocated that the summit introduce an extensive package of measures for the group of candidate countries in order to prepare them for invitations to membership of NATO. We have stressed that this package of measures will require resources. NATO and the member countries must be prepared to meet this challenge, as we must in Norway.

The measures introduced at the Washington summit will not involve automatic admittance of new countries. New invitations will be based on a broad political assessment and consensus in the Alliance.

The Government has actively supported Estonia's, Latvia's and Lithuania's wish for membership – through both bilateral and multilateral cooperation programmes and in internal discussions in NATO. We have a close dialogue with the Baltic countries concerning the enlargement of NATO and the preparations for the summit.

The confirmation of NATO's open door and the extension and reinforcement of partner cooperation should in the Government's view be accompanied by a further development of NATO's cooperation with Russia. The developments in Russia are of decisive importance for European stability. The Government regards it as a primary objective to promote the active and constructive involvement of Russia in the full breadth of Euro-Atlantic cooperation. The NATO-Russia Founding Act of 1997 and the foundation of the NATO-Russia Permanent Joint Council constituted a breakthrough in this connection.

I am pleased to note that cooperation with Russia is now beginning to bear fruit. It is important to develop an atmosphere of mutual trust. The consultation arrangement is the main pillar of the cooperation. The dialogue concerns weapons of mass destruction, defence-related environmental protection, infrastructure and arms control. The council has also been an effective channel for contact concerning the crisis in Kosovo. Sometimes our judgements differ, but this does not reduce the importance of the Council as an instrument for cooperation on security policy.

Practical cooperation is also well under way. However, we would be pleased to see rather more rapid progress. This requires involvement and follow-up on both sides. The Russians' capacity for practical follow-up is affected by the crisis in Russia.

We hope that the summit in Washington will provide new ideas and impetus to the relations between Russia and NATO. Cooperation with Russia is an essential element of the new NATO. A good foundation has been laid during recent years, not least in Bosnia, where Russian troops function alongside NATO forces. We must develop this further, and work for more active involvement of Russia in a peace operation in Kosovo. NATO-Russia cooperation has great potential, but we must adopt a long-term perspective. In the Government's view, the Alliance must maintain its high level of ambition. At the same time, we must search for new ways to involve Russia in political and practical cooperation.

In 1997, NATO also entered into a special cooperative relationship with Ukraine, a cooperation which reflects the important role played by Ukraine in European stability and security. Emphasis has been placed on defence reform, peacekeeping efforts and defence-related environmental issues. We wish to strengthen our ties with Ukraine.

The Government has worked actively to make cooperation with partner countries a fundamental task for the new NATO. Today, the Alliance has close political and military cooperation with 25 countries. The Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council is the main forum for consultations with partner countries and also the highest governing body for military cooperation within the framework of the Partnership for Peace, PfP.

For many partner countries, participation in the PfP is an important element of qualifying for membership of NATO. Those who have not declared a wish to be members, such as Sweden and Finland, attain through the PfP close cooperation with NATO in a number of areas. This is important. We must as far as possible keep open all possibilities for political and military cooperation with NATO for countries that are interested in close cooperation but for various reasons do not wish to be members.

The NATO summit in Washington will decide on a further strengthening of the PfP. Partner countries will be given increased influence in planning and decision-making processes in connection with NATO-led peace operations with partner participation. The defence planning for partner countries will be brought closer to that of NATO. Practical military cooperation will also be further strengthened.

Europe and North America must meet the new security challenges together.This applies to the situation in the Balkans and will apply in other situations. The Atlantic Alliance has brought the European and North American allies together in a community that is just as important today as when the North Atlantic Treaty was signed.

At the same time, the European countries must gradually undertake more responsibility for security in Europe. There has been a development in this direction during recent years which can be summed up by the term European Security and Defence Identity, ESDI. This is an expression of European aspirations and an answer to the wish of the USA for more equitable burden sharing between European and North American allies. The work on the ESDI is taking place in NATO, the Western European Union (WEU) and the EU.

Norway has actively supported the work on the ESDI. We have stressed that it must be developed within the framework of transatlantic security policy cooperation, and must help to strengthen this.

The British-French declaration from St. Malo in December has created a new basis for the work on increased European responsibility for security and crisis management capability. These initiatives are being followed up in the EU and WEU. The NATO summit will be able to provide new input to the ESDI.

A reinforcement of the role of the EU in this area will also involve closer coordination of security policy between EU member countries. This will probably mean that direct cooperation will be established between the EU and NATO in the area of security. This may influence the decision-making process in NATO, and thereby also affect Norwegian interests.

The debate that has now arisen concerning European crisis management capability may conclude that the WEU should be abolished and be wholly or partly incorporated into the EU. This may alter the basis for the existing arrangements in the WEU, and to some extent in NATO, regarding our participation in decision-making processes and in the implementation of crisis management under the auspices of the European countries. We have therefore stressed that the rights of Norway and other allied countries in the same situation today must be maintained in the event of institutional changes. There is general understanding among the EU countries that this is necessary. As stated in the Foreign Minister's statement on Europe in January, this can be done in various ways. In Norway’s case, this could be solved within the framework of the consultation arrangement that we already have with the EU. I discussed these issues during my talks in Bonn and Brussels in January this year. The Government will actively follow up these issues in contact with our allies.

The Government will place considerable emphasis on Norway's active participation in the further work on developing the ESDI, both within NATO and in other contexts. We will strongly emphasize our wish for maintenance of our possibilities for active participation in and contribution to the development of the European crisis management capability.

Madam President

The NATO summit in Washington will commemorate the fundamental contribution NATO has made to peace and security in the North Atlantic area during the past 50 years. However, the most important thing here is to look to the future. The summit must draw up the guidelines for the NATO we wish to have into the next century.

In the work on structuring the NATO of the future the Government emphasizes the following:

• NATO must retain its vitality and remain the main instrument for maintaining security and stability in Europe. This will require further restructuring to enable the Alliance to handle new responsibilities in an effective way.
• This restructuring must be based on a continuation of the core tasks associated with collective defence, transatlantic solidarity and the Alliance as the central consultation forum for the security of member countries.
• A balance must be maintained between this treaty-based core of cooperation and the new fundamental responsibilities associated with crisis management and partner cooperation that characterize NATO's political and military activities today.
• NATO's restructuring must have the overall aim of helping to build a European security arrangement characterized by security in cooperation and lasting fellowship between all the states in the Euro-Atlantic area. The partnership activities, cooperation with Russia and the enlargement process are all instruments that must be used by NATO to for achieve this aim, which is of great importance for our own security.
• NATO's door must remain open. Further enlargement must help to strengthen European security and not create new dividing lines. Cooperation with partner countries must be developed further, and should be one of the main responsibilities of the new NATO. Norway will attempt to draw the Nordic and Baltic countries and Russia as closely as possible into this cooperation.
• NATO must have high ambitions for cooperation with Russia, based on mutual interests, reciprocity, openness and constructive involvement by all parties.
• NATO should assume a new fundamental role associated with conflict resolution and peace efforts in the Euro-Atlantic area. This must have a clear basis in international law and the principles of the UN Charter.
• The development of new tasks for NATO, including participation in international peace operations and the current pattern of crisis with the resulting demands, indicates the need for a review of our defence policy. The Government will present a report to the Storting before the summer concerning international peace operations, and will also take the initiative to review defence policy by means of a fast-track committee with broad political participation, which will provide general and fundamental recommendations prior to the preparation of the next long-term report on the defence establishment.
• NATO must continue its efforts to promote disarmament, including nuclear disarmament, and to combat the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and delivery vehicles.
• The development towards greater European responsibility and capability for crisis management is important. This must be supported in a way that fosters the united front between Europe and North America and the interests of all the allies.

Europe and European security are being restructured. The foundation is now being laid for NATO's role and responsibilities at the beginning of a new century. Joint efforts are still needed to secure stability and peace in our part of the world. Membership of NATO has been a mainstay of Norwegian foreign and security policy since 1949. The Government will continue to pursue this course in the runup to the NATO summit and the efforts to build a new NATO.