Historical archive

New Security Threats and the Transformation of NATO

Historical archive

Published under: Bondevik's 2nd Government

Publisher: Ministry of Foreign Affairs

Opening statement by Minister of Foreign Affairs Jan Petersen at the Advisory Council for Disarmament and Security Affairs, Oslo (03.06.03)

Minister of Foreign Affairs, Jan Petersen

New Security Threats and the Transformation of Nato

The Lysebu Conference, Oslo, 2 June 2003

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Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

Today’s international situation is a volatile one. We are facing a range of new challenges. The threats to our security have changed both in nature and in scope, and are now on a truly global scale. Their roots are multifaceted and may emanate from anywhere in the world.

In order to meet the security threats of the 21 st> century, NATO has embarked on the most far-reaching transformation in its history. The broad allied support for the course charted at the NATO summit in Prague last November is very encouraging. We must remain focused, united and forward-looking in order to succeed.

The most pressing security threats we face are related to international terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.

The latest attacks in the Middle East and Africa have once again underlined that terrorists can strike at any place and at any time. And their random attacks are intended to create fear and insecurity.

International terrorism is by definition a global threat. Reports estimate that Al Qaida is present in at least 60 countries, and perhaps as many as 90, and that some 18 000 terrorists are affiliated with the network.

Terrorists determined to acquire weapons of mass destruction are operating in the global market place. The horror of weapons of mass destruction in the hands of terrorists is almost unimaginable. We must all do our utmost to prevent this from becoming a reality. So-called “dirty bombs” can be made from small amounts of radioactive material. We must ensure that terrorists never get their hands on nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction, and that they will never find safe havens that allow them to carry out their heinous acts.

To achieve this, international co-operation is crucial. Only through concerted efforts at all levels, and only by employing all available instruments – political, economic, legal and if need be military - will we be able to effectively combat these threats to our common security. In our globalised age security is indivisible. Regardless of whether we are a large nation or a small one, in the end, we all are dependent on multilateral solutions.

Preventing the spread of weapons of mass destruction through binding international treaties and regimes has been a top priority for decades, and much has been achieved. Most countries have become parties to the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty, the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and the chemical and biological weapons conventions.

However, we have seen that the non-proliferation regimes are under pressure. Some nations have chosen to remain outside these treaties and conventions.

North Korea’s announcement that it intends to withdraw from the NPT is highly disturbing. Furthermore, North Korea has stated that it possesses nuclear weapons, and has threatened to transfer such weapons to others. Norway has urged Pyongyang to reverse its course of action, and to comply fully with the provisions of the NPT.

We also fear that the acquisition of nuclear weapons is lowering the threshold for obtaining weapons of mass destruction in other regions, which increases the risk of the proliferation of such weapons to unstable and conflict-prone areas, and the risk of terrorists gaining access to them.

Securing universal adherence and full compliance with treaties aimed at preventing the spread of weapons of mass destruction must therefore continue to be a top priority.

Ladies and gentlemen,

In the face of such new challenges, NATO continues to be vitally important. But to counter the new threats, we need an Alliance that is prepared and flexible, and which can draw on forces that are readily deployable and interoperable. This can only be achieved by a far-reaching transformation. And we are transforming. The Alliance is undergoing fundamental changes.

The Alliance has reached out to new members and new partners. The Allies have launched ambitious initiatives to upgrade NATO’s military capabilities, and we have undertaken far-reaching adaptations of NATO’s military structures.

Norway wholeheartedly supports NATO’s transformation. Tomorrow, NATO´s foreign ministers will meet in Madrid. We will take stock of our achievements since the NATO summit in Prague.

In Prague we took important steps to strengthen the ability of the Alliance to combat international terrorism and the spread of weapons of mass destruction. It is crucial that we follow through on these commitments.

This week’s meeting of Allies in Madrid will confirm the importance of our strong transatlantic ties. These ties are crucial for the success of the Alliance in countering the new threats to our security, in developing stronger European co-operation, and in further strengthening the co-operation between NATO and Russia.

Over the past few months we have seen strain developing within the Alliance. Differences have arisen, not only across the Atlantic, but also between European Allies. We must now put these differences behind us and look ahead. We must focus on the best ways to safeguard our fundamental, common interests.

Europe and North America are part of a deeply rooted and long-standing security community. Passing disagreements must not overshadow this fact. For Norway there is no question of choosing between North America and Europe. The only way forward is to work jointly to further our common aims. Together the NATO countries have created a security community that is unique. It is in all our interests to maintain, strengthen and extend this community. For this to happen we must all contribute.

My expectations of the meeting in Madrid are higher now than they were a few weeks ago. Allies are currently working to bridge the differences that arose over issues relating to the crisis in Iraq.

There is a widespread understanding among the Allies that the transatlantic dispute went too far. Even the most enthusiastic supporters of a more prominent European security and defence profile recognise that there are no short cuts to achieving this, that the only way is through continued transatlantic co-operation. Recently we have seen broad agreement in the Alliance on a NATO role, although differnet in each case, both in Afghanistan and in Iraq. These are positive decisions that should be built on also in the future.

But we must not jump to the conclusion that all our difficulties are now behind us. The distrust resulting from the discussions over Iraq has not evaporated completely. Allies still have different agendas and objectives, even if they are now adopting a much more conciliatory approach.

The Madrid meeting is an opportunity to send a clear signal that NATO stands firmly by the Prague agenda and that the transformation of the Alliance is continuing, notwithstanding the differences of opinion during the last few months.

NATO is in need of a genuine dialogue between its members. The consultation and decision-making process must be inclusive and transparent. All Allies, be they small or large, must be involved. The commitment of individual allies should not be taken for granted. If there is insufficient inclusiveness and transparency, our ability to contribute – to reach agreements among ourselves, to convince our parliaments and publics – will inevitably suffer. All of us stand to lose if we do not manage to forge a common approach. Even coalitions of the willng must be based on common concerns and values.

Norway worked hard to see unity restored in NATO. Now we must look forward and concentrate on how we can best meet the challenges ahead. NATO’s decision to take responsibility for the security situation in Kabul, with Canada as lead nation, is a milestone. This will be the first time the Alliance is involved outside the Euro-Atlantic area.

Today we expect that the Alliance will decide to support Poland in its capacity as one of the lead nations in Iraq. This again confirms our will to transform NATO into an instrument that is relevant to the challenges we are facing. When necessary, we must be willing to consider similar involvement by NATO elsewhere.

Ladies and gentlemen,

For more than five decades the member states of the North Atlantic Alliance have stood shoulder to shoulder in the pursuit of a single common aim – safeguarding our way of life. Democracy, adherence to human and minority rights, and a free market continue to be our common values.

These shared values have made NATO the most successful and enduring alliance in modern times. They are the best possible guarantees for the success of the current transformation.

Our decision in Prague to include seven new members in the Alliance was motivated among other things by our desire to bolster our capabilities to meet the security threats of the 21 st> century. The enlargement will add strength to the transatlantic link and revitalise the whole Alliance.

An alliance of 26 will be different from an alliance of 19. Ensuring cohesion and unity of purpose will be far more demanding - for the Alliance as a whole, and for each individual member. Success will depend on the unity of the Alliance and the commitment of its member states.

All allies must do their share – old and new alike. Norway is confident that the new members will play their part. They have already demonstrated their will and ability to contribute in important ways, in the Balkans and most recently in Afghanistan.

The NATO Response Force is a tangible expression of NATO’s determination to adapt to new circumstances. It is crucial to maintaining NATO’s credibility as an efficient instrument for security policy.

It will be a well-trained, well-equipped, flexible and more mobile force that can be deployed at short notice wherever the need arises. In short – we are building an efficient force that is tailor-made for meeting the new threats.

Norway is taking an active part in this effortOur special forces, which have performed admirably both in Afghanistan and in the Balkans, and our rapid reaction force, are important contributions to that end.

Equally important is the ongoing adaptation of the command structure. We expect that the final decisions on this structure will be made in the course of this spring. I am pleased that Norway seems likely to retain an allied presence at the headquarters at Jåttå. Such a presence will have positive long-term effects in both political and military terms. Officers from all the Allied nations and all branches of the armed forces will have the opportunity to work together on a daily basis. This will enhance their understanding of joint operations under difficult climatic conditions.

The decision to develop military resources and capabilities within a multinational framework also reflects our determination to turn the Alliance into a highly efficient instrument for meeting new threats. Norway participates actively in this endeavour.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The increased co-operation between NATO and the EU will also help to strengthen NATO’s ability to meet the new security threats. Provided we all recognise that security in the transatlantic area is indivisible, and provided that overlapping structures are avoided, division of labour can only be an advantage for us all. Hence, Norway supports the EU’s aim to develop and implement a European security and defence policy. We have already committed military and civilian resources to EU-led peace-keeping operations. We are also participating in the first ever EU military operation, which is taking place in Macedonia. We are also prepared to participate in other EU-led operations in the Balkans.

The EU’s decision to take a larger share of the responsibility for security and defence in Europe will also benefit NATO’s transformation. It will enable the Alliance to focus its resources more efficiently on the new security threats, and to retain its core functions of deterrence and collective defence.

For decades burden sharing has been one of the most contentious issues in our transatlantic relationship. I am confident that the forging of a European security and defence policy will create a more equal partnership and a more equitable sharing of the burdens and responsibilities. This can only benefit our overall security.

An efficient and co-ordinated transformation effort calls for a genuine two-way street across the Atlantic. The required military transformation in Europe cannot take place in the short term unless the United States is prepared to engage in a true partnership involving sharing of information, technology and know-how.

And, just as importantly, the United States has to open up for state-of-the-art technology and ideas from across the Atlantic. Best value must be the overriding principle for all of us.

In this transformation process, it is vital to ensure that European inputs are efficient and relevant. There is a lot to learn. Clearly, Europeans need to focus on how to complement the capabilities of the United States. The current military capability and technology gaps across the Atlantic may affect the very fabric of transatlantic relations unless they are taken seriously.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Strengthened co-operation between NATO and Russia is also a vital part of our endeavours, and we have established a robust strategic relationship. Only through close co-operation with Russia can we effectively counter the new security threats.

The establishment of the NATO-Russia Council is a historic opportunity to tie Russia, Europe and North America closer in binding and efficient co-operation. Our experience so far has been positive. The political dialogue is open and substantial. Last month the Council met for the first time on Russian soil.

In addition to its benefits to NATO, co-operation within the NATO-Russia Council has already resulted in agreements and initiatives of direct importance to Norway. We have established co-operation on search and rescue at sea and airspace control, and have set up a working group on civil defence and emergency planning. There is a great potential for further co-operation in these and other fields.

Both Russia and the allies must do their share in order to make this a success story. All the members of the NATO-Russia Council bear a responsibility in this regard.

In Norway’s view, nuclear safety should increasingly become an area of co-operation in the Council, and we have taken initiatives to that end. We consider that this would make the NATO-Russia Council an even more important forum for fighting international terrorism and for halting the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Close co-operation between friends and allies will be all the more important if we are to deal with the many challenges ahead. Our fight against international terrorism will be a long one. We need to find comprehensive solutions.

It is crucial to our success that the global coalition against international terrorism remains committed to this fight. At the same time we must work harder to eliminate the root causes of hatred and terrorism. Although we are taking the recent threats against Norway seriously, they will not stop us from playing our full part in the fight against international terrorism.

We must find lasting solutions to the conflicts in the Middle East. Many of the threats and challenges we are currently facing have their roots in this region. We welcome the road map to peace between the Israelis and the Palestinians recently presented by the Quartet. We must now all do what we can to ensure that the parties fully understand that they cannot afford to miss this opportunity to make progress towards lasting peace. They must understand that the road map is not a menu from which they can pick and choose. The spiral of violence must not be allowed to derail the present efforts to find lasting solutions. I welcome the inititatives taken by Prime Ministers Sharon and Abbas to implement the road map.

The international community must be prepared to assist in stabilising the entire region. Norway is also open to discussing a possible role for NATO in the Middle East should the parties wish to avail themselves of the Alliance’s longstanding experience.

As regards the Mediterranean dialogue, we have already reached out to some of our partners. This is at a preliminary stage. Norway is looking into ways to further strengthen this co-operation, ways that take account of the needs of our southern allies.

Ladies and gentlemen,

We in Norway take our collective responsibility seriously. Ever since its inception, NATO has been a cornerstone of Norwegian foreign and security policy. Norway was a founding member and clearly benefited from the solidarity within the Alliance throughout the years of the cold war.

We will continue to work hard to reinforce the ties across the Atlantic. The close transatlantic security relationship is the best guarantee we have of peace and security in the Euro-Atlantic area. It is also the best guarantee of the success of our present efforts to transform NATO into a truly efficient instrument for meeting the threats of international terrorism and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.

The United States has for decades been Norway’s most important ally. The fact that we have come to take the security guarantee embodied in the Washington Treaty almost for granted testifies to the strength of our ties with the US. At the same time we must never forget that these ties carry a commitment – both ways.

The terrorist attacks on New York and Washington fundamentally changed the American perception of threat and vulnerability. As an ally we have never had any reason to question the USA’s commitment to our own defence and security. Thus, it is important for us to demonstrate our solidarity in practical terms. This one of the reasons why we are participating in the international efforts to provide stability and security in Afghanistan.

The past fifty years have taught us that success depends on strong transatlantic ties. Through its consultation mechanisms and collective defence provisions, NATO has been instrumental in forging the cohesion and solidarity that has become its trademark. We must ensure that this continues to be the trademark of the Alliance for the next fifty years. Norway will certainly do her part.

Thank you for the attention.

VEDLEGG