The Security Policy Challenges of the 21st Century and Their Effect on South-Eastern Europe (Traavik)

Ladies and gentlemen,

It is a great pleasure to be here at Szeged to address this important group of policy- and opinion makers. The topic assigned to me – the security policy challenges of the 21 ^st> century and their effect on the region – is indeed a comprehensive one. This gives me, however, a welcome opportunity to focus on the most pressing issues of the day.

For the moment all eyes are on Iraq. Clearly there are divisions about just how to deal with the problem. But the international community stands united behind the ultimate objective, to make sure that Iraq does not possess, or will ever again possess, weapons of mass destruction, and their means of delivery.

Saddam Hussein has been dodging the demands of the international community for well over a decade. We can not allow the well documented ambition of the Iraqi despot to obtain weapons of mass destruction to go unchecked.

Saddam Hussein is a threat both to his own people, to the region and to international peace and security. His regime represents a potential link between weapons of mass destruction and terrorist groups. The world can not remain idle. Disarming Iraq in accordance with UN resolutions must be achieved.

His record speaks for itself. He has used chemical weapons against his own population. He invaded a neighbouring country. He sent missiles against population centra in Israel. He put on fire dozens of oil wells before being driven out of Kuwait. He has left his own people to suffer the consequences of not complying with the demands of the international community.

The international community must continue to communicate its resolve clearly and unambiguously. Nothing short of full compliance with Security Council resolution 1441 will suffice.

We hope that the use of military force can be avoided. But that is now entirely up to Saddam Hussein. If he complies with the demands of the international community, war can be averted. He must not be allowed to continue to defy Security Council resolutions.

Disarming Iraq is not detracting from our fight against international terrorism. It is an integral part of our efforts to root out terrorism in whatever form it may take.

As the only organisation with universal membership and a comprehensive agenda encompassing all areas of society, the UN is the pre-eminent organisation responsible for international peace and security. The unique role of the UN must be upheld. Regional organisations such as NATO, the EU and the OSCE also have important roles to play in combating the new threats to our security.

The international community must stay focused and united on the course staked out by the Security Council. This goes for our fight against proliferation of weapons of mass destruction as well as the fight against international terrorism.

Neighbouring Turkey has legitimate reason to fear the regime in Baghdad. As allies we are committed to demonstrate our solidarity in concrete terms. Therefore, Norway regrets the delay in initiating planning for defensive measures. A schism within the international community can only serve Saddam Hussein. Damage may already have been done to the credibility of the Atlantic Alliance. Hopefully it will soon be repaired.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Disarming Iraq is only the first step to block the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. We must prevent new countries from getting access to biological, chemical and nuclear weapons. This is why Norway is working hard to ensure universal adherence to the non-proliferation regime. All nations have important contributions to make in this regard.

Norway also works to tighten the export control regimes in countries in transition. We have worked particularly closely with the Baltic nations, the Ukraine and Russia. Involving the nations in the Balkans will also strengthen our efforts.

We have particularly focused on preventing nuclear material located on the Kola Peninsula in northwest Russia from falling into the hands of international terrorists. Norway works closely with Russia on this issue. We are very pleased that the US, the EU and the G-8 group of countries share our priorities and work with us in this area.

The NATO Summit in Prague last fall took important steps to strengthen the ability of the Alliance to fight international terrorism and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Allies committed themselves to strengthening key military capabilities. Allied military forces will become more flexible and mobile, and – most important of all, as we have seen in the Western Balkans and in Afghanistan – able to work better together. It is crucial that we follow through on these commitments.

The creation of the NATO Response Force is a particularly important element. The force is a tangible expression of NATO’s determination to meet new threats resolutely.

In NATO there was hardly any debate on the wisdom of a broad enlargement at the Summit in Prague. Allies quickly recognised that the new members would add to our common security and bring additional resources to our fight against international terrorism. And indeed they have.

The countries now at the threshold to join both NATO and EU are taking full part in our common fight against international terrorism. Many are contributing concretely to operation Enduring Freedom in and around Afghanistan and to the international security force in Afghanistan.

The strengthened cooperation between Russia and NATO is one of the most important developments for transforming the European security landscape. We have established a long-term strategic relationship based on a broad agenda. Only through close practical cooperation with Russia can we effectively counter new threats. Together we are already cooperating closely on proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and international terrorism.

The EU is similarly playing a crucial role. Enhanced regional cooperation in the areas of justice and home affairs as well as strengthened police cooperation are vital contributions to the broader fight against international terrorism.

At the same time, EU enlargement is changing the political map of Europe. And it is happening against the backdrop of NATO’s similarly historic decision to open its doors to seven new members. The last remnants of the East/West divide are finally being swept away. A new foundation is being laid for ensuring stability and building prosperity in our part of the world. And at the same time the EU has issued yet another strong signal that enlargement is not a closed book.

At the Copenhagen Summit, the Union drove home that point by confirming its willingness to admit Bulgaria and Romania around 2007; by embracing Turkey as a potential future member; and by reaffirming the European perspective of the countries of the Western Balkans.

In a few years, hence, the first of the nations that have emerged after the Balkan wars of the nineties may be joining the EU. Not only is the Union erasing Europe’s Cold War barriers, it is also addressing even older divisions between Catholic and Orthodox, and between Christian and Muslim.

The prospect of gradually closer ties with the European Union is the most powerful incentive for transitional countries in Eastern and South-east Europe to carry out necessary reforms in the security sector and beyond. Hence, the EU must remain the main driving force in the efforts to bring the countries of the region closer to the European family.

The OSCE is a generally underrated mechanism for democratisation, conflict prevention and post-conflict rehabilitation. Although scaling down somewhat in the Balkans, the OSCE will continue to have an important role to play in region. The OSCE’s future role wil be related to addressing the root causes of extremism - economic and social mismanagement, authoritarian rule, discrimination of ethnic and religious minorities in the Caucasus and Central Asia.

There can of course be no excuse for terrorism. No perceived or real grievance can justify wanton disregard for human life or indiscriminate destruction of property. But poverty and oppression breed fundamentalism and extremism. Hence, the alleviation of poverty; good governance; and peaceful resolution of conflicts are indispensable elements of the fight against terrorism.

NATO, the EU, and the OSCE have each in their own way contributed decisively to a positive development in the Western Balkans. Real progress has been made over the past ten years.

There are democratically elected governments in all the countries of the region.

Refugees continue to return in significant numbers.

Respect for human and minority rights have improved greatly.

Relations among neighbouring states are better than ever.

We must continue to support the fledgling democracies of the region. We must contribute to ensure that the rule of law is fully embraced by all groups. We must continue to support the building of robust institutions at the local and national level. And we must continue to contribute to economic development and to give people hope for a better future.

We have yet to reach the point of no return. Clearly, the job is not yet done. We must stay the course. The progress which has been made is real but precarious. There still is ethnic tension, weak institutions, organised crime, trafficking in human beings, drugs and small arms and light weapons, and economic stagnation and even regression. In parts of the region, security is tenuous at best.

The dissaffection, apathy and lack of trust in the system that can be seen in the outcomes of several of the elections in the region last year is a worrying indication that the body politic of the societies concerned is not currently a healthy one.

We in Norway, for our part intend to remain engaged. Our project assistance to the countries of the region will remain at the same level as last year (100 ms. Euro). This is not the time to scale back.

Hence, the international community must retain a presence in the region large enough to provide a secure environment. We must roll back the advance of international organized crime, which is having a corrosive effect not only on the social fabric of the countries of the region, but eventually also on the societies of Western Europe. Stemming the flow of drugs and small arms and providing a secure environment is a precondition for a positive development in all other sectors. It is a sine qua non for attracting foreign investment, for ensuring the safe return of refugees and internally displaced people, and for consolidating fledgling democracies and the rule of law.

At the same time it is clear that we can only succeed if the countries of the region themselves take on an increasing responsibility and act together with the international community present in the region.

Strong institutions and the rule of law represent our first line of defence in our fight against international terrorism and the organised crime that feeds it.

Post-conflict reconstruction and integration are the crucial first steps to conflict prevention. We have a common responsibility to ensure that the processes aimed at integrating the countries of Southeast Europe into the broader Euroatlantic structures are not interrupted by what may be perceived as more pressing concerns.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The open door policies of the EU and NATO continue to be powerful incentives for democratic reforms in Central and Southeast Europe. The commitment to settle outstanding issues by peaceful means have sharply reduced suspicion among neighbours, making it possible to bury old grievances. The irredentist and separatist tendencies that have bloodied the history of Southeast Europe have largely been pushed back.

As most other Europeans, so also the people of Southeast Europe see their security best ensured through membership in NATO and the EU. It is our moral obligation to utilise all instruments available to ensure that this becomes a reality.

Let us not forget, in this context, the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe. Admittedly, the Pact has not fulfilled the expectations with which is was met. From this perspective, the Pact could be seen as an underachiever. The question is however whether the expectations were realistic in the first place. I think not.

And the concept at the base of the Pact is a sound one. Many of the problems facing the region clearly are transboundary. And the Pact has made useful contributions f. ex in the areas of security sector reform and justice and home affairs. It seems to me that the Pact could be made further use of, perhaps as a subcontractor or an instrument to further the EU’s Stabilisation and Association processes with individual countries of the region.

At the end of the day, obviously, the future destiny of the countries of the region rests with their own leaders, and with the peoples themselves. Several countries are actively engaged in cooperative efforts aimed at enhancing regional cooperation across a range of issues, from economic cooperation to border security and problems associated with the abundance of small arms and light weapons.

Free and independent NGOs are a vital building block in the construction of fredd and democratic societies. NGOs are playing important roles in instilling a sense of civic duty at the individual level.

The cooperation between NATO and the EU is important in meeting new threats to our security. Norway is pleased that the strategic partnership between these two organisations most likely will be in place by the end of next month.

Close cooperation can only add to our efforts at solving the challenges on the European continent. The transfer of responsibility for the international police operation in Bosnia to the EU is important in this regard. The same is true with regard to the EU’s intention to take over NATO’s military operation in Macedonia and its readiness to assume the lead for the forces in Bosnia-Herzegovina.

Norway actively supports a strengthened European security and defence policy. In assuming greater responsibility for the security of Europe, we contribute to strengthen the transatlantic ties. This will be in the interest of the entire Euro-Atlantic community.

Norway has already pledged civilian and military resources to the EU. This is a clear demonstration of our commitment to European security and defence. Building peace and security in the Western Balkans is an integral part of this effort.

We are already participating in the EU-led police mission in Bosnia-Herzegovina. And we plan to participate in the EU-led force in Macedonia.

The European Union and NATO are essential to the full integration of the Western Balkan into the broader Euroatlantic structures. We have already come a long way through EU’s Stabilisation and Association Process and NATO’s Partnership for Peace (PfP) and Membership Action Plan (MAP).

Our experience has shown that these mechanisms are invaluable roadmaps for countries in transition. They address the need for reforms in all sectors of society – from restructuring of armed forces in line with democratic principles, to adopting legislation ensuring human and minority rights.

The various partnership programs have contributed in fundamental ways to the democratic transition of societies, providing the citizens of the former Warsaw Pact countries with an entirely new sense of security.

Norway will continue to work closely with Bosnia-Herzegovina and Serbia and Montenegro to assist them in qualifying for participation in the PfP and other cooperation programs. We have provided support and assistance to the efforts at restructuring the armed forces in Bosnia-Herzegovina. This is a precondition for participation in Partnership for Peace.

We also hope to see Serbia and Montenegro as full members of the PfP. And we are committed to working closely with Croatia, Macedonia, and Albania as well, in order to assist them in qualifying for full membership in the Alliance.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The international security situation today is characterised by competing tendencies. We are witnessing an integrative pull within the Euro-atlantic area that is unique in the history of our continent. The broad enlargement of the EU and NATO, increased cooperation through EU’s Stabilisation and Association Process, and closer integration of Russia and former Soviet republics in Euro-atlantic cooperative structures, have contributed to an unprecedented degree of stability and predictability on our continent.

At the same time we are witnessing that our search for a more stable and predictable international security environment is being frustrated by new actors operating outside the formal structures and with a proven willingness to go to extreme lengths to further their political objectives, irrespective of the amount of collateral damage, the number of innocent lives lost, or the havoc and disruption created. September 11 confirmed that terrorist groups are both motivated for and capable of causing destruction on a for larger scale than before.

The tenuous situation in Iraq, the fear of new acts of terrorism, and the deadlock in the Middle East peace process have brought a new sense of uncertainty and unpredictability to the international security environment.

The manner in which we respond to these challenges, both at the collective and national levels, will be crucial. Only through concerted action will we succeed. In order to prevail the international community must remain united. Maintaining the cohesion of the broad coalition that was so painstakingly built in the wake of September 11 remains vitally important.

And the international community can ill afford a setback in the Western Balkans. We need the nations in the Western Balkans as constructive members of the Euro-Atlantic family of nations, and as partners in our fight against terrorism.

Ladies and gentlemen,

With the latest round of EU and NATO enlargement we are leaving the final vestiges of the Cold War behind. Now, we must ensure that all corners of Europe are fully integrated into the Euro-atlantic security structures. The countries of the Western Balkans are a vital part of those efforts.

Thank you for your attention.