State Secretary Vidar Helgesen

Peace building in Afghanistan: Achievements and Challenges

Berlin, 9 May 2005

Ladies and gentlemen,

The path to lasting and sustainable peace in Afghanistan is long. It requires patience, not only from the Afghans themselves, but, just as importantly, also from the international community. A global partnership for peace and security in Afghanistan is vital if we are to make progress.

Peace must be built on Afghan terms. It is not possible to impose peace or democratic rule from the outside, it must grow from within.

One should bear in mind that significant advances have been made.

The presidential election was a milestone in the history of Afghanistan. We were all deeply moved by the reports and images of popular enthusiasm and the massive turnout, despite the threats and violence in the time leading up to the election. The broad participation by Afghan women signalled that the time of the Taliban oppression was over.

But the election was first and foremost a clear signal to Afghan leaders that the Afghan people want sustained democratic development.

It is also encouraging that the timetable of the Bonn Agreement has been followed to a large extent. The efforts to keep to the Bonn deadlines have spurred political transition, strengthened its credibility and kept up the momentum of the peace process. Now it is essential that the political momentum is maintained until the parliamentary elections in September.

Furthermore, a lot has been achieved in the field of reconstruction. And the establishment of an Afghan police force and an Afghan army with the assistance of the international community and the International Security Assistance Force has made it possible to establish a stable, albeit fragile, security situation.

On the other hand, there are still a number of major issues to be resolved. Afghanistan’s future depends on its ability to ensure security and carry out reconstruction throughout the country. The fight against illegal drug production and trade in drugs must be won. A process of transitional justice must be instigated.

Failure to meet these challenges will not only put the security of Afghanistan and the surrounding countries in peril. Our own security is also at stake.

We should not forget what happened after the fall of the pro-Soviet regime in 1992. International attention quickly waned, and Afghanistan became a free haven for terrorists. We all know what followed. We certainly cannot let that happen again. We have to find a way to mobilise the resources necessary for staying engaged.

Ladies and gentlemen,

For Norway, international peace and development go hand in hand.

The political action must be appropriate to the nature of the conflict. All conflicts are unique, and the path to peace will differ from country to country.

In a great number of today’s conflicts it is possible to trace the conflict back to deficiencies in government institutions. Violent conflicts are often caused or triggered by corruption, lack of respect for human rights, a democratic deficit and the perception that the administrative and political channels are illegitimate, ineffective, or inaccessible.

The task then is to help to make them legitimate, make them effective and make them accessible.

One of the ways of achieving this aim is often referred to as statebuilding: strengthening and sometimes even constructing governmental structures for dealing with the tasks that a state must fulfil.

Some critics of statebuilding claim that it is a form of neo-colonialism, that it imposes “western values” like democracy, freedom, human rights and the rule of law.

It is true that engagement in state-building promotes democracy, freedom, human rights and the rule of law.

But I would claim that these are not “western values”. They are universal values.

Although the interpretation of these principles varies from country to country, they are deeply rooted in us all.

But why should the international community engage in state-building in faraway places?

Today there are fewer conflicts between countries. But the new security order since the cold war has led to an intensification of internal conflicts and to greater international focus on these conflicts.

Globalisation has brought the countries of the world closer together through the flow of trade, investment and ideas.

On the other hand, instability and insecurity also flow freely. Through migration, disease, environmental degradation, international organised crime and terrorism, the effects of internal conflicts and failed and failing states spread beyond the actual site of the conflict.

Internal conflicts and failed states have become a global concern. Yesterday’s humanitarian crises now strike at the core of our security policy. Preventing and resolving conflicts and rebuilding societies that have been ravaged by conflict must therefore be at the heart of any representative government’s foreign policy.

Our response must be multidimensional. The quest for peace involves engaging in peace diplomacy, providing development assistance, and ensuring good governance and respect for human rights. It may also mean using military means when the situation calls for it. And finally, it is very much a question of building and strengthening alliances and partnerships.

This is very much the case with regard to the Norwegian involvement in Afghanistan.

The complex situation in Afghanistan is a good example of the challenges facing the international community, and highlights the continual need to develop new means of meeting these challenges.

Since the fall of the Taliban, the consistent priorities of the international community have been security and reconstruction. Without security, all else will fail. Without reconstruction, the Afghan people will lose hope. And desperation, we know, breeds violence.

Three years later, both these needs still have to be met.

The security sector has a key role to play in achieving progress.

Now the general view is that the Taliban will not return, and that Al Qaeda does not represent a significant security risk. At present, the main threat to internal stability is the national government’s inability to control the areas outside Kabul.

The regional and local leaders are putting pressure on the local authorities and the police, intimidation is widespread, illegal taxes are being collected, there is forced labour, illegal detentions, and seizure of property. Central institutions like the army, police and judiciary only have a limited sphere of influence.

The fragile security situation underscores the need for a more comprehensive DDR process, a national army, a national police force and a functioning justice system.

The formal DDR process has been partly successful. Demobilisation and disarmament may be achieved before the parliamentary election in September. However, the reintegration of former militias into civilian structures presents a greater challenge, a challenge that must be tackled.

Establishing a functioning police force will be of vital importance. We are pleased to be participating in the training of the Afghan police under the German-led police project, and find that German priorities are very much in line with our own.

The training is important, but it is also necessary to follow up the training with monitoring and mentoring in order to ensure sustainability. Furthermore, the training of female police officers is one of our particular concerns. The next task in the build-up and education of Afghanistan’s police force will be to channel more of the international resources to the provinces.

The general strengthening of the justice sector must also be speeded up. More resources must be put into both infrastructure and capacity-building in relation to prosecutors and judges. Last year, Norway set up a pool of personnel from the judicial sector to enable us to contribute more to the strengthening of the rule of law in post-conflict areas. We are currently considering providing Norwegian expertise to support the Afghan justice sector.

Until Afghan security institutions have been built up sufficiently, the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) will continue to have a crucial role to play in securing stability in the country.

Security must also be extended to the provinces. The Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) have an important part to play in this respect. Extending security to the provinces is the key challenge in establishing the political authority of the Kabul government throughout the country. Therefore the PRTs have a pivotal political role. They are primarily providers of security and stability, and could be better described as stabilisation teams rather than reconstruction teams. This would help to clarify the PRT’s role in relation to the humanitarian and development organisations.

The UN and several NGOs have raised concerns about the mixing of military and civilian roles. This is a complex issue, and it underscores the need to strengthen civil-military co-ordination. It is important to respect the different mandates of civilian and military actors and avoid duplication of efforts, so that optimal results are achieved with the limited resources available.

Norway remains committed to maintaining a significant military presence in Afghanistan, through our current contribution to Operation Enduring Freedom and through our engagement in ISAF in Kabul and the PRT in Meymaneh.

Reconstruction, the second major task, will be instrumental in showing the Afghan people that peace and stability bring real benefits. The Afghan people are frustrated by the lack of a peace dividend. Concrete results and the visible authority of the central government in the provinces are crucial.

I would also like to underline the importance of channelling assistance through the Afghan government, including joint financing mechanisms such as the Afghanistan Reconstruction Trust Fund (ARTF). Norway is a strong supporter of the ARTF as a means of boosting Afghan ownership. We encourage donors to channel more of their assistance through the fund.

We also welcome the efforts to develop a Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper as an integrated part of the national development plans. At the same time, the Afghan Government must be committed to implementing fully public sector reform and to fighting corruption in a systematic way. It has a long way to go in this regard. A sound and healthy public sector is vital for fostering economic growth and gaining the confidence of the Afghan public and the international community.

An overarching challenge is the illegal drug economy. This problem encompasses many of the areas I have already touched upon. There will be no security or reconstruction unless we succeed in bringing the trade in illegal drugs under control. Yet, security reform and development through reconstruction will be vital for combating narcotics production and trade.

There has been a significant increase in the production of opium since the fall of the Taliban. Afghanistan is now the main source of the world’s illicit opium and heroin production, and the trade in narcotics generates more than half of the country’s GDP.

Most of the heroin ending up on the streets of Oslo and Berlin originates in Afghanistan.

The national authorities, including the police and the military, have been corrupted by the drug-infested economy. The links between drug trafficking and the warlords, terrorist networks and international organised crime are becoming clearer. And I do not have to remind you that the activities of these people extend far beyond the mountains of Afghanistan.

Fighting the drug economy must be a top priority both for the Afghan Government and for the international community. A broad range of methods with a long-term perspective will have to be employed. Providing sound livelihoods will have to be combined with increased police efforts, judicial prosecution, eradication programmes and information campaigns directed to the Afghan people. Regional co-operation through better border controls and exchange of information and intelligence must be enhanced. There are no quick fixes.

The final challenge I would like to direct attention to is the need for transitional justice.

There can be no lasting peace or security without justice. When states fail to secure justice and the rule of law, there is fertile ground for intolerance, extremism and terrorism.

There has been some debate on the possible outcomes of a process of transitional justice in Afghanistan. I would like to take this opportunity to make three points.

Firstly, the international community in general, and the UN in particular, should speak with one voice.

Secondly, their message should be that justice is a precondition for stability, not a challenge to it. Countless atrocities were committed under the Nadjibullah, Mujaheddin and Taliban regimes. Afghan society has to be reconciled with the past before it will be able to move on.

And, thirdly, the process of transitional justice must be based on Afghan culture and priorities, and will have to be implemented on their terms. We will support this process, both politically and economically, but we want to make sure that it is not misinterpreted as a “western” initiative.

As a country based on Islamic law, Afghanistan may find inspiration here to form the basis of an Afghan-led process of transitional justice.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The challenges facing Afghanistan are many. It is important, however, not to lose sight of what has been achieved, or the opportunities that are still open. After many years of war and repressive regimes, Afghanistan now has a historic chance to embrace democracy, stability and peace.

It is vital that the process of rebuilding the country is on Afghan terms. And the continued commitment of the international community is important. In this context, seminars like this one will play a significant role.

Thank you very much.