The High North – Security Challenges
Historical archive
Published under: Stoltenberg's 2nd Government
Publisher: Ministry of Defence
Speech/statement | Date: 04/05/2011
- We have long traditions of exploring and using this region. The government’s renewed focus on the High North, pointing it out as a key priority, actually means continuing these traditions, State Secretary Roger Ingebrigtsen stated.
Address by State Secretary Roger Ingebrigtsen at the Henry Bacon seminar
Washington, 3 May 2011
Thank you very much for giving me the possibility to speak to such a distinguished audience and for allowing me to take part in the commemoration of a historic event in the US-Norwegian bilateral relationship.
All of us gathered here today are familiar with the long and close cooperation between our two countries in security and defence issues. The choice of F-35 as our next generation fighter plane fits well into this tradition.
Let me now turn to the main topic of my speech. The High North and Russia have always been important to Norwegians. We have long traditions of exploring and using this region. The government’s renewed focus on the High North, pointing it out as a key priority, actually means continuing these traditions.
I was born in the late 1960s and raised in Tromsø, a city 350 kilometres north of the Arctic Circle. I still live in Tromsø with my family. To me the High North is not just a distant place with incredible opportunities and challenges. It is home. And Russia has always been a part of this. In my hometown the relationship with Russia goes a long way back.
I myself grew up during the Cold War. In 1968 Soviet tanks were standing at our Northern border. All through the 1970s we were constantly reminded of the dangers from the East. Our armed forces trained to stop an attack from Soviet forces while waiting for assistance from NATO. The border between Norway and the Soviet Union represented NATOs Northern flank. The Soviet Union was the enemy.
But I also know a different story. A story of a long and good relationship between the peoples of Northern Norway and Northwest Russia.
As a child I heard stories about how my great great grandfather traded with the Russians. He took part in the Pomor trade. This trade was carried out between the people of Northwest Russia and the people along the coast of Northern Norway.
The Pomor trade went on from 1740 and until the Russian revolution in 1917. This was a Golden Age in our bilateral relations. In the beginning of the Pomor trade grain products from Russia were traded with fish from North Norway. With time it developed into a regular trade against money. In fact the ruble was used as currency several places in North Norway. Even a separate language was developed. A mixture of Norwegian and Russian. My great great grandfather spoke this long-forgotten language.
The Pomor trade was of major importance both to Russians and Norwegians. At its height in 1870, 400 Russian vessels visited Tromsø. Normally, over 300 vessels with a crew of around 2000 visited North Norway annually. And by 1900, Russia was Norway's fourth most important trade partner.
When the Pomor trade ended in 1917 it had a severe negative effect on the economy in North Norway, especially for settlements along the coast.
So why this story about the Pomor trade? To me it illustrates that our relationship with Russia has varied considerably over the last centuries. We have had periods of good relations, but there have also been times of instability and mistrust. When we plan for the future we must keep this in mind.
Today our relationship with Russia is very good. We have solved the one remaining border issue in the Barents Sea. We are partners in the NATO-Russia Council. We co-operate closely in a number of areas. We even have military exercises together. The small, but important bilateral maritime Exercise Pomor including elements from land-, sea- and air starts this Saturday in the Russian port of Severomorsk, and ends in my hometown Tromsø.
For several years the main drivers in our relationship with Russia has been the common possibilities and challenges we share in the Arctic.
Climate changes are influencing the possibilities for commercial activity in the High North. Less ice opens up for new and shorter transportation lines between East and West, extended fisheries and more tourism. Increased global demand makes it more profitable to exploit oil- and gas fields in the Arctic.
An appropriate legal framework is vital for cooperation in the region. All five countries bordering the Arctic Sea have agreed that the Convention on the Law of the Sea should constitute the legal basis for activities in the region. Several boundary issues have been solved the last couple of years. There is no reason to believe individual nations will act without regard to international law. Nevertheless, we should maintain a continued focus on strengthening legal regulations in areas where existing regulations might not be sufficient.
The recent ratification of the delimitation agreement between Russia and Norway is maybe the single most important event in Norwegian foreign policy during the last years. It has removed a potential source of conflict between Norway and Russia, and is an excellent example of the cooperative spirit in the High North.
The High North contains huge fish stocks. Russia and Norway have established very efficient fishery control regimes in our respective national waters. Warmer water could change current migration patterns, and new disagreements on fishery rights could emerge. If required, we will be prepared to develop additional fishery control regimes. We believe that one of the most important issues in the High North is to maintain sustainable fisheries.
New transportation lines through the Arctic will reduce the distance between Asia and the Western world by more than 7000 kilometres. And there are no pirates in this part of the world! This leads to completely new prospects for cooperation both between nations bordering the Arctic and nations using the Arctic.
We must take advantage of these prospects. But we should also be realistic. Sailing in the Arctic is difficult. We will have to invest in expensive ships that would probably be used only a few months every year. Thus we should not overstate the possible future number of merchant ships operating in the Arctic. And there is a lot of space up there.
More frequent commercial activity implies enhanced risks for accidents that could harm both people and environment. Especially exploitation of oil and gas must be balanced against the need to preserve and protect the environment. The eco-systems in the Arctic are very fragile, and large spill-outs could have very grave and long lasting consequences. Last year’s accident in the Gulf of Mexico was a serious reminder. There is a risk involved. To meet this risk we have increased our maritime presence, surveillance and our search and rescue capacity in the region.
We see no race for the Arctic. Economic activity is developing slowly. Estimates indicate that most of the anticipated oil- and gas reserves are located within established economic zones. Cooperation in various areas as shipping and fisheries is working well. However, climate conditions are tough and required investments are high. It is therefore in everyone’s interest to focus on stability and constructive cooperation. Increased commercial activity does not necessarily create more tension and rivalry, and should not in itself be considered a security policy challenge.
At the same time, we believe that enhanced commercial activity increases the need for military presence as a stabilising factor. Military assets are a central capacity with regard to surveillance and support to search and rescue operations. Military forces should therefore be considered as a natural actor in the High North. Military presence in itself is not a sign of tension. Provided it is held at an appropriate level it contributes to predictability and stability.
The Norwegian Armed Forces play a vital role in the High North. They provide intelligence and surveillance, exercise sovereignty and contribute to crisis management in the region. We have recently invested in both new frigates and new coast guard vessels. In fact, Norway conducts a continuous national military operation in the High North. It covers both military tasks and gives support to civil society. We have also moved our joint operational headquarter to Bodø in North Norway.
Multinational military presence in the High North is very important to us. In June the United States and Norway will co-sponsor an Arctic roundtable in Oslo. Focus will be on challenges related to operating military forces in the High North. The development of new technologies for use in the Arctic region, both civilian and military, will improve our abilities to operate in the area.
Today NATO activities in the region are quite limited. We believe that in line with the agreed plan for a new command structure, NATO could develop a more visible profile also in the High North. I would in particular like to stress that NATO’s presence in the region is legitimate and not targeted at any particular nation. NATO territory stretches to the North Pole. NATO must have situational awareness and knowledge about military forces and activity the area. NATO must also be familiar with relevant political-military issues.
The possible future affiliation of the joint headquarter in Bodø to the Allied Command Structure is important in this respect. We highly appreciate the participation of Allied and partner forces in exercising and training in Norway. And there is room for even more joint training on our soil. By involving Russia more in common regional activities, this will counter expected negative Russian arguments that intensified NATO presence represents a threat to Russia.
During the Cold War, the High North was an area of considerable strategic importance. To Russia it still is. It is the main testing area for new weapon system, a frequently used area for training and exercises and it contains huge port areas which have access to ice free waters all year around.
When looking at our large neighbour today, I do see positive signs of a more open and democratic society. I also see negative signs of a society where the press is restrained, opposition is subdued, and real power is in the hands of the very few. I see a country that invests heavily in her armed forces, and conducts large scale military exercises close to NATO borders.
After the conflict in Georgia in 2008 relations between NATO and Russia were difficult. Norway’s bilateral relations with Russia were affected by this. Even if relations have improved over the last few years we must not forget that Russia often “play by other rules” than NATO and the West. They look upon the world from a very different angle and base their judgements on very different values. As a result the effect of the latest thaw can only be measured if and when we manage to agree on difficult practical and political issues. This is the major challenge ahead.
Norway is a small country. Our neighbour is large and has a significant military potential. Some of it is located only a few kilometres from our borders. We see that the Russian armed forces are undergoing a major modernization. Like most countries in the West the Russian armed forces are being transformed to meet new security challenges. Old and unreliable equipment is replaced by new and more modern items.
Russia plans large increases in defence spending in the coming years. The budget has been increased with 19 percent from 2010 to 2011, and there are plans to increase it with more than 60 percent by 2013. The main bulk will be spent on acquisition of new vessels and modernization of old equipment.
In the High North we have seen that they have taken up old habits of flying along our coast with their long-range bombers. Our F-16 fighter planes have regularly been alerted to identify Russian aircraft along Norwegian borders. We don’t regard this Russian military activity as directed towards Norway. However, when planning for Norway’s future defence it is a part of the overall picture.
The Russians have published an Arctic Strategy for the period until 2020. The Northern Fleet is in charge of protecting Russian oil and gas installations in the Russian High North. We have heard rumours about the establishment of an Arctic Brigade close to the Norwegian border. All of this indicates increased interest in the High North and ambitions for Russian presence in the future. Russia has re-emerged as a regional power. Also in the High North.
Good neighbours cooperate. Since 1995 we have signed yearly bilateral military plans with the Russians. After years of visits between units and headquarters we managed to carry out the first substantial bilateral exercise between our armed forces in June 2010. With this exercise we reached a new level of cooperation between our armed forces. We hope this sets the standard for the years to come.
Cooperation with Russia in the High North is important. But equally important is the presence of our allies. We believe that Norway’s relationship with Russia may be best ensured within a wider multilateral framework. Allied presence in the High North is an essential part of this. It is also a precondition for our continued close cooperation with Russia.
Let me conclude by saying that we see international attention towards the High North as positive. What happens in the High North is important to those of us who live there, to Norway and to many other countries in the world. Increased activity and harvest of renewable resources could be a benefit for all of us. But only if it takes place within an agreed legal framework and respects the environment.
The prospects for continued close cooperation between Norway and Russia are good. Common possibilities and challenges in the High North promote cooperation. The Pomor trade represented a Golden Age in our bilateral relations. It remains to be seen whether we are now heading into a new Pomor era.