Norwegian–Chinese relations – much more than the Olympics

The Beijing Olympics have put a spotlight on China. The Chinese leaders must have known that this would happen when they applied to host the Games. China has invited the world to Beijing in connection with the Games. And the world will watch, listen and speak out about what it sees. That’s how it is in our open world. As China is experiencing now, the old tenet held by authoritarian regimes that human rights belong to the sphere of internal affairs simply doesn’t hold in our open world.

The spotlight is capturing a China in the midst of a fascinating transition. It is revealing amazing progress – not only in economic and industrial terms, but also social. But it is also  uncovering areas where China still has a long way to go, such as respect for universal human rights and for minority rights.

China has to accept this focus on both the positive and the negative aspects of its society. You might say that this is the price you have to pay if you want to be an active player in the world community. China’s leaders have chosen to involve China in international economic and political cooperation. And it is in our own fundamental self-interest to keep China involved in the international community, as a responsible member of the global community of nations playing according to international rules.

The  question of whether there should be a boycott of the entire Olympic Games or parts of them should, in my view, be considered in such a perspective. Is a boycott  a means of expressing our view that furthers the aim of promoting human rights and democratic development in China? Is it the best way for us to express our views if we want the Chinese leaders and the majority of the Chinese people to listen? Is it the best means of getting across our views to the Chinese leaders and the majority of the Chinese people?  Is it the best means of positioning ourselves for our long-term relations with China, which we will want to continue developing after the Olympic flame has been extinguished?

I don’t think so. In politics, it is never wise to write off a tool. And we, like others, will keep a close eye on the situation. But today I cannot see that a boycott would be a justified or effective tool. It would not make our message more forceful. By its very nature, a boycott makes the other party close the door on further communication. That shouldn’t be in anyone’s interest. The boycott debate is deflecting attention from China to the finer points of the various countries’ positions on the opening ceremony on 8 August. We must put the focus back on China.

Today’s China covers the span from the ox carts used in the villages to the astronaut Yang Liwei’s space mission. It is now as true of China as it is of the US: there is hardly any global issue in which the country does not need to part of the solution. Just take climate change.

China is important for Norway, and there has been broad political agreement on Norway’s China policy for many years. The Government’s China Strategy provides a framework for broad cooperation based on increased contact between the authorities and a more strategic focus on the many interfaces that have developed in the areas of trade, education and research.

China is making tremendous progress. Hardly a day goes by without our using a whole array of products made in China. But China is also facing tremendous challenges. Millions are being lifted out of poverty, but millions of others are subject to economic marginalisation and environmental degradation. The gap between rich and poor is widening to an extent hardly seen in any other country, and is creating tensions that are a potential source of unrest. China is a patchwork of minorities and ethnic groups.  To the outside world, China appears as the self-possessed mastodon. Under the surface, the stability is not quite so unshakeable. The economy has skyrocketed, and many people are better off. But China still lacks one of the basic prerequisites for a sustainable market economy: the rule of law, which guarantees predictable rights that can be tested by an independent judiciary.

Increasingly often we see Chinese leaders who recognise these challenges. This is something new. Our dialogue with China is robust enough now for us to take up all aspects of our relations, even those issues where we take a critical view. But many ask whether the dialogue is producing results. We have no exact tool for measuring this. My definite impression is that the dialogue is producing results, and that the extensive exchanges between Norwegian and Chinese institutions that have been going on for a number of years have had an effect. China is still feeling its way, in spite of the self-assurance it shows on occasion. It is therefore in our interests that they keep the door open to such exchanges.

Human rights and the principles of the rule of law are one of the priorities set out in the Norwegian Government’s China Strategy. In its latest report on the Olympic Games and human rights, Amnesty calls attention to trends in China that give cause for concern. We are voicing these concerns. But we must not lose sight of the change that has taken place. It can hardly be denied that China has made progress in this area. China lived with Mao for almost 30 years. Now they’ve been living without him for more than 30. A lawyer I met during my visit to China in January put it this way: “Thirty years ago, China was governed by human’s will. Now we are on the way to becoming a society governed by law.”

A number of China’s judges still have no legal training, and human rights do not have a prominent place in university law programmes in China. The first Chinese-language textbook on international human rights was published in 2002. It was produced by the Norwegian Centre for Human Rights and its Chinese partners. These contacts were established through the Norwegian-Chinese human rights dialogue, which has been going on since 1997. The Centre has trained more than 200 Chinese teachers in human rights, and courses in human rights are offered at around 20 Chinese universities. Small steps, you might say. Yes, but they are giving the Chinese people new tools in their struggle to promote respect for human rights

Earlier this year, a new law on employment contracts entered into force in China. There was no such legislation in China 30 years ago. The law is important for Chinese workers, for example because it provides better protection against dismissal. Today we know that the experience gained by Chinese experts from their project cooperation with the Norwegian Confederation of Trade Unions (LO) and the Confederation of Norwegian Enterprise (NHO) on workers’ rights was an important source of inspiration in this process. Such cooperation rarely makes the headlines. China’s legislation will not be patterned on Norwegian legislation. But the Chinese are seeking experience they can draw on. It is in our interests that our experience is put to use.

In other areas there are no laws, or those that do exist provide inadequate protection for the rights of individuals. Civil and political rights, such as freedom of expression, religion and organisation, in particular must be considerably strengthened. The re-education camps have yet to be closed. Minorities have yet to be afforded genuine protection of their culture and religion. Freedom of expression in China is under pressure. The lack of information from Tibetan areas is a problem. We have brought this up in talks with the Chinese authorities, most recently when our ambassador met the Chinese President last week. The extensive use of the death penalty is also a cause of concern. And I repeat, China must develop independent courts.

The reality in the 21st century is that China will be an influential key player in the international community. We must position ourselves so that we can respond optimally to future developments in China. Not in the naive belief that Norway’s voice can determine the course. But to help to integrate China into the international community in such a way that the country finds that it can achieve stability and development by acting in a responsible manner. We must take advantage of the spotlight the Olympic Games are putting on the positive and negative aspects of Chinese society. But we must also make sure that we can continue our dialogue once the 17 days of sporting events are over.