Speech by the Minister of International Development and Human Rights On the occasion of the entry into force of the Mine Ban Convention on 1 March 1999
Historisk arkiv
Publisert under: Regjeringen Bondevik I
Utgiver: Utenriksdepartementet
Tale/innlegg | Dato: 01.03.1999
The Minister of International Development and Human Rights Hilde Frafjord Johnson
On the occasion of the entry into force of the Mine Ban Convention on 1 March 1999
A half-day seminar at the Nobel Institute in Oslo Organised by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL)
Opening Statement
Excellencies,
Ladies and gentlemen,
A year ago, when I visited Angola, I was struck by the number of people with physical disabilities who caught my eye when driving through the capital Luanda. The majority of these people were victims of anti-personnel landmines and unexploded ordnances. Small “boxes” of explosives that in a split second have the ability to kill or seriously maim people. They leave them, many of them children, with no other choice but to survive as street beggars, deprived of human dignity and of human rights.
Many more do not even have the choice. Anti-personnel landmines kill, either instantly or by means of terminal wounds. The absence of proper medical facilities and the lack of access to the injured because of the presence of other landmines further contribute to the horrific statistics. According to the International Committee of the Red Cross, every year 26 000 people globally will experience the traumatic effects of the man-made scourge of landmines.
You heard me correctly - 26 000 people, every year. This is why mine action must be placed at the top of the global human development agenda - as well as of the human rights agenda.
The global landmine crisis is man-made. The effects have reached epidemic proportions. They represent a real and constant threat to people - to the safety and well being of the individual. They are a threat to human security. They deny people their human rights, like freedom of movement and the prospects of economic and social development. My concern - our concern - is the humanitarian implications and the human dimension of landmines. Mine action has to be people-centred. It is about the socio-economic recovery of war-torn communities, about reconciliation, rehabilitation and reconstruction. About human development.
Anti-personnel landmines are indiscriminate. Because “...once they have been sown, once the soldier walks away from the weapon, the landmine cannot tell the difference between a soldier and a civilian - a woman, a child, a grandmother going out to collect firewood to make the family meal”, as Jody Williams said in her Nobel Lecture on 10 December 1997. The landmines are always there, lying in wait. They remain in the ground for up to 70 years as silent killers, awaiting their victims. When “...the war ends, the landmine goes on killing”, to use her words.
In recent conflict situations mines have been planted not only to kill and maim. They are intended to drive minority groups or persons perceived to be enemies away from their homes and countries or particular areas. This tendency is part of the dramatic growth in attacks on civilian populations during armed conflicts. It represents a blatant breach of international humanitarian law and human rights.
The threat of landmines is especially serious for the most vulnerable members of society.
Landmines do not adjust to political change, to cease-fires or peace accords. They have a long-lasting and costly effect on the reconstruction of war-torn societies. They pose a real risk and remain bitter reminders of past conflict and division lines. The statistics for these landmines and their visible consequences are indeed devastating.
These weapons have an effect which extends beyond the wounds inflicted on the individual.
They deny people a means of livelihood.
They further impoverish and marginalise the poor.
They traumatise the coping mechanisms of individuals and families.
They seriously damage and completely paralyse whole communities.
They disrupt long-term development and block the delivery of humanitarian assistance.
In short, they inflict wounds on society, as well as individuals.
Let me again revert to Angola. In late 1994, when a peace accord was reached, the city of Malanje had a traumatic experience of landmines. The city was surrounded by mines deployed both by UNITA and by government forces – effectively stopping all attempts to farm the fertile areas surrounding the city. Landmines also made the main road completely unusable. And the bridges over to Luanda could not be repaired because of the suspected presence of more mines.
As a result the people were totally isolated and helpless. The World Food Programme (WFP) had no other alternative than to bring in food supplies by air. At the peak of this operation, the WFP had 9 large Boeing 727 transport planes flying every day from Luanda. The cost of keeping this operation going was obviously enormous.
In the spring of 1995, Norwegian People’s Aid searched the road between Malanje and Luanda for landmines and found less than 10 on the bridges and none at all on the road. The bridges were rebuilt, the road was re-opened and the city came to life again. Just 10 mines had effectively cut off all transport on the 400 km main road between Luanda and Malanje.
Examples like this one from Angola are by no means unique. Removing landmines is not the only solution to the mine problem. In fact, experience from all landmine-contaminated areas has clearly shown that the fear of landmines is the crux of the problem. Once the mines have been located, the areas can be marked off, fenced or cleared, and people can avoid them. People can start living again.
Landmines cannot be viewed as an isolated issue. Consequently, the indicators for measuring how successfully the humanitarian goals of the Mine Ban Convention have been met, must not be restricted only to the number of mines that have been removed and destroyed. We should also speak in terms of kilometres of roads cleared and in terms of square metres transformed into productive land. We should speak in terms of number of refugees and displaced persons who have been repatriated safely and with dignity. We should count the number of mine victims being reintegrated to become productive members of society.
Mine action is about giving people an opportunity to live. To live in an environment free from the physical, psychological and socio-economic threats posed by landmines. To live in freedom from fear.
On the occasion of the entry into force of the Mine Ban Convention - and let me here say congratulations to you all! - I would like to pay a special tribute to the International Campaign to Ban Landmines, and in particular to Ms. Jody Williams, and to the International Committee of the Red Cross. They brought the human dimension of the global landmine crisis to the fore. They worked dedicatedly to raise public awareness. They put the landmine issue on the political agenda. They refused to give up the vision of a comprehensive ban.
I would also like to pay tribute to the Government of Canada and in particular to Foreign Minister Lloyd Axworthy for his forward-looking leadership in launching the Ottawa process in 1996, when other attempts within the traditional multilateral framework had failed. Since then Norway and Canada, together with a number of other countries, have been at the forefront of the endeavours to eliminate the tragedies caused by anti-personnel mines. We have worked not only at the political level, but also in terms of practical cooperation in the field.
The forming of a global coalition between many different players was one of the main reasons for the unprecedented progress leading to the early entry into force of the Mine Ban Convention. It is a record! as Jody Williams said. The process was successful because it managed to bring together a broad coalition of countries and organisations. The coalition included mine-affected countries, humanitarian organisations, and non-governmental organisations active in the field of human rights, of refugee protection and assistance, of humanitarian programmes and individual victims.
This gave the process the necessary political strength and credibility. Each player brought his particular expertise to the table. Working together, they managed to create a synergistic effect. Only states could sign a legally binding convention. However, organisations and networks like the ICRC and the ICBL had the tools to mobilise public opinion. They had the unique knowledge. They had the will.
The Brussels conference in June 1997 represented a turning point in the Ottawa process. It marked a transition from a process which had been basically political, with an emphasis on campaigning, to a process of negotiation. The diplomatic achievement of the Brussels conference was a political declaration by which states committed themselves to the final stages of this part of the Ottawa process - the Oslo negotiations and the signing of the Mine Ban Convention in Ottawa in December 1997.
To take on such an extensive commitment within such a short space of time was daunting for a number of countries. But the momentum of the process was so great that several countries were unwilling to risk the political liability involved in not participating.
Another important element behind the success of the Ottawa process was the comprehensive way the landmine issue was addressed. The objective was not a partial, but a truly total ban on anti-personnel mines - with no exceptions or loopholes. Not only were the use, production and stockpiling of anti-personnel mines addressed, but also the destruction and removal of such mines, and equally importantly, the economic and social rehabilitation of mine victims.
The process was also innovative in that an issue primarily considered as one of arms and arms control was seen in the context of its humanitarian consequences. The process forged new links between the disarmament and humanitarian communities. I believe this will have a long-lasting impact.
The global landmine crisis cannot be resolved unless the humanitarian aspects become a central part of our response. This can prove a useful lesson with regard to other issues on the international political agenda.
Today is a day of celebration. The Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-personnel Mines and on Their Destruction becomes an international legally binding instrument.
Today the clock starts ticking for the objectives set out in the Convention.
It is no less a day of reflection. We must not forget the thousands of innocent civilians, women, men and children, who have died or become crippled. Their story initiated the process. They have a large share in the achievement we are celebrating today. We should remember all those who have been killed or maimed during demining operations in countries like Cambodia, Mozambique, Angola and Bosnia-Herzegovina. As we speak, peacekeepers and humanitarian personnel are risking their lives clearing landmines in more than 20 countries around the world. They all deserve a share in this success.
The Mine Ban Convention has established an international norm supported by a vast majority of members of the United Nations. Even for states not parties to the convention, the political price of not adhering to this norm has risen considerably. But this most encouraging development must not lead to complacency on our part. The Ottawa process must continue and the political momentum must be maintained.
We are grateful to the Government of Mozambique for its offer to host the First Meeting of States Parties in Maputo in early May. Convening the first meeting of states parties in a mine-affected country is highly appropriate. The choice of Maputo is also a recognition of Africa’s crucial role in bringing about a total ban on anti-personnel landmines. The meeting will provide an opportunity for States Parties, signatory states, other interested states, humanitarian agencies and organisations to discuss forward-looking initiatives and measures to effectively implement the objectives of the Convention. We hope that all interested parties will take this opportunity to contribute to the new stage in the Ottawa process: from campaigning to implementation.
From campaigning to implementation - let me now share with you what Norway considers to be the most important challenges ahead.
First, we must ensure the future sustainability of this important process. We must continue vigorously to advocate the universalisation of the Mine Ban Convention. We must continue to consolidate the new norm it has established.
I want to use this opportunity, on the occasion of the entry into force of the Convention, to urge those states that have signed but not yet ratified it to do so, and those states that have not yet signed to take this important step.
The international community should organise future efforts within the framework of the Convention in a way that promotes continuity, transparency and inclusiveness. An important step would be to settle on a single venue for future annual meetings of States Parties, review conferences and other meetings.
There is obviously also a case for holding meetings on specific issues in different regions, not least in mine-affected countries. We should consider how to structure intersessional work in the absence of an implementing body established by the Convention itself.
Secondly, the Convention must be the framework for assistance to affected countries. In order to further strengthen the established norm, Norway will provide support to countries that have signalled their intention to ratify or that have already ratified. We wish to support states in their efforts to implement the Convention.
Norway now contributes to mine action in Jordan as a consequence of the latter's decision to ratify. Yemen is another example in the same region. Nicaragua is yet another. Exceptions will only be made on humanitarian grounds and in humanitarian emergency situations. Victims wherever they are should be ensured appropriate care. The affected populations should be entitled to freedom from want and fear.
A strict policy should also be followed in the event of clear evidence of deployment of new landmines by a signatory state. Swift and appropriate action must be taken to avoid the undermining of the Convention. Angola is one case of great concern, as Jody Williams also said, and has to be addressed.
Thirdly, we have to pursue an integrated course of action that will help reduce the risks posed by anti-personnel landmines. We must implement awareness programmes, the marking and surveying of minefields, clearance, destruction of stockpiles. We must provide support for the victims in the initial trauma phase and in their rehabilitation and economic and social reintegration.
We need to involve the local population. We need to encourage the development of national mine action programmes as part of rehabilitation and development schemes.
This is, in fact, a peace-building measure.
Fourthly, it is urgent to complete assessments and surveys in order to define the landmine problem more clearly. So that we can address it more fully.
We must take full advantage of the partnership established between the UN and the NGOs in this area. The international community should know within the next five years where the political, practical and socio-economic impacts are most pronounced. In situations where lack of political resolve blocks the initiation of mine action programmes, renewed efforts must be made by the international community. Wherever relevant, the problem of landmines must be made part of peace accords.
Fifthly, we have to coordinate our efforts in order to secure the effective use of the resources available for mine action. This requires a better understanding of the problem.
As donors we have to ensure the predictable and stable funding necessary to carry out the programmes. During the signing of the Convention in 1997, Norway made a commitment of USD 120 million over a five-year period. USD 20 million is specifically earmarked for assistance to victims through the ICRC.
We are well on the way to achieving our objective. With the huge commitment of resources and the willingness of the international community, the problem of anti-personnel landmines can be overcome in 10 to 20 years. This will require leadership, coherent and focused efforts and full respect for the ban. Norway is ready to play a leading role, together with Canada and others.
We call for further work on the development of standardised methodology in mine action and better technology. Although improved technology will not solve the problem, the development of more appropriate, affordable and user-friendly technology is essential.
Given the many serious effects of landmines, mine action needs to be an integrated part of post-conflict resolution. Mine action must be part of reconciliation, rehabilitation and reconstruction efforts. Mine action programmes have to be integrated into national development goals and rebuilding priorities in the health, agricultural and economic sectors. Without this, the chances of creating sustainable, effective mine action programmes are diminished.
Mine action must not be added on to regular development programmes. It must be a fully integrated part of them.
But coordination has a cost. In this endeavour we are actively supporting the UN in the implementation of its mine action policy. We support the UN Mine Action Service (UNMAS) as the focal point within the UN. We are also supporting the development of awareness programmes launched by UNICEF, and the concerted public health action launched by WHO. Today Norwegian expertise is involved in practically all areas of mine action. It is at the disposal of the UN and other international organisations. Furthermore, the links between Norwegian NGOs and the network of the ICBL are reflected in the fact that Norwegian People’s Aid is the ICBL resource centre.
Strong NGO networks must be part of the global mine action efforts in the years ahead. We must vigorously follow up the partnerships between governmental and non-governmental actors and between North and South so successfully developed during the Ottawa process.
A particular challenge in following up the Mine Ban Convention is to involve and commit non-state actors to the principles of the convention. In conflict situations landmines are, as we all know, often laid by non-state actors in control of smaller or larger areas. Although the main responsibility rests with the governments, it is necessary to get the non-state actors on board. I believe that the NGOs and their networks are better suited to pursuing this challenge.
This problem illustrates the need for continued partnership and active civil society involvement in keeping up the momentum to eliminate landmines. The ICBL has a particularly important role to play here. The civil society-based approach to monitoring compliance with the convention - the “Landmine Monitor” initiative - shows how the campaign is continuing to break new ground in the area of mine action.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Let me conclude. Now that the Mine Ban Convention is entering into force, we have an opportunity to learn from the lessons of the Ottawa process. It was the human dimension of the landmine crisis that placed the issue at the top of the international agenda. The human dimension helped mobilise political support from all regions and influential political groupings.
We should be able to mobilise the same kind of momentum for a number of other issues on the human security agenda that need to be addressed. Improving the safety and well-being of the individual is a major challenge, because civilians are increasingly the main victims and targets of conflicts. Most of these conflicts occur within rather than between states.
Improving human security requires an integrated approach that deals with the causes of insecurity such as human rights abuses, crime and environmental degradation. Children's’ rights, impunity and peacebuilding, military expenditure, export of small arms and landmines - all have a clear human security dimension. At the threshold of a new millennium the international community must renew its efforts to address these issues more effectively.
I recently presented a strategy for humanitarian assistance to the Norwegian parliament. It sets out an integrated approach to humanitarian assistance, peace, reconciliation, development and human rights, as a basis for ensuring human security and human development.
At the international level we are cooperating with Canada in a bilateral partnership for action with regard to human security, the so-called Lysøen Declaration. The purpose of this initiative is by coordinated and concerted action to enhance human security, promote human rights, strengthen respect for humanitarian law, prevent conflict and foster democracy and good governance. The common denominator for this agenda is human security. It takes the individual as its reference point. It measures the success or failure of policies in terms of their effects on the individual.
Cooperation with civil society will be an important element in furthering the Lysøen agenda, which covers areas such as small arms proliferation, child labour, women and children in armed conflicts and child soldiers as well as landmines. The increased ratification and implementation of international humanitarian instruments will continue to be key elements in this process. I am in fact now on my way to Canada to discuss many of these issues.
There is a representative gathering of experts and practitioners from the humanitarian, human rights, disarmament and development fields here today. I am confident that your deliberations will provide valuable input to the efforts to achieve a safer and more humane world. To enable people to live without fear and have hope for the future.
1 March 1999 will be remembered as one of the milestones on the road towards a world free of the effects of anti-personnel mines. The entry into force of the Mine Ban Convention enables us to change to a new gear. We have now established an effective instrument for further comprehensive efforts in mine action.
Anti-personnel mines not only break bodies, they can break the human spirit.
Some wars are not over when the battles have ended.
Some bridges are not used because of fear.
Help us prove that more wars can be stopped.
Help us make more bridges safe.
Help us restore the human spirit.
Thank you.
This page was last updated 2 March 1999 by the editors