Foreign Minister Mr Jan Petersen
US-Norway Forum
Minneapolis 24. October 2003

Norwegian foreign policy and transatlantic relations

Ladies and gentlemen,

You always feel particularly welcome as a Norwegian here in the Midwest. It is good finally to be here since I had to postpone my visit last year. I am honoured and delighted to have the opportunity to address this Forum. And I am pleased to see so many representatives of the Norwegian-American communities, organisations and groups present.

The United States is one of our oldest, closest and most important partners. We have close historical ties and we share the same fundamental democratic values. Our deep-rooted economic, political and security bonds have been strengthened by the numerous family ties between Norwegians and Americans of Norwegian descent. Hence, the transatlantic ties form one of the cornerstones of Norwegian foreign and security policy.

September 11 and our common fight against international terrorism have shown us what is at stake. We must meet this challenge. We must stand together and act together. Norway will continue to stand shoulder to shoulder with the USA in the fight against terror and for freedom and human dignity. We want Americans of Norwegian descent to be proud of their ancestry.

The US and the European countries may differ in strategic outlook, size and resources, but share the same basic goals. Close dialogue is the recipe for preventing misunderstanding. Consultation and co-operation are the way to reach common solutions and joint action. We will do everything in our power to strengthen the understanding and unity across the Atlantic.

Nevertheless, it has been said that if you try to have a community without conflict, you destroy the community. In other words, disagreement between close allies is not unusual – in fact it is inevitable.

The Iraq issue put considerable strains on relations between the members of the most successful military alliance in history, NATO. The European allies were divided. But it was the differences across the Atlantic that attracted the most attention and caused the greatest concern.

Transatlantic tensions are nothing new. We’ve seen them before. Kyoto, the International Criminal Court and the Test Ban Treaty are just a few of the most recent examples.

Today’s situation, however, is cause for greater concern. The differences of opinion across the Atlantic are greater in number than before, and they go deeper. And they reflect very divergent attitudes to international co-operation.

Much of the extreme bitterness that characterised transatlantic relations over Iraq last spring has now apparently gone. But I think we must assume that the underlying problems have not evaporated.

The Atlantic community has been and will continue to be a mainstay of Norwegian foreign and security policy. Norway’s defence and security will continue to be firmly anchored in NATO, which in Norway’s view should continue to be the foundation of European security and stability.

As regards our fundamental security interests, it is an illusion to believe that any individual country or group of countries could be a substitute for a NATO with the active participation of the USA. Now, at the beginning of the 21 ^st >century, the USA is more than ever "the indispensable power".

At the same time, with the forthcoming EU enlargement, the new Constitutional Treaty and the development of an EU security strategy, the EU is becoming more confident and assertive in its foreign and security policy. Our status as a member of the Alliance, but not of the EU, poses new challenges. We do not want a situation where the real discussions across the Atlantic are taking place directly between the EU and the USA rather than in NATO. This would make it much more difficult for Norway to make its views heard. It is clear that the task of safeguarding fundamental Norwegian interests will become even more demanding in the years ahead.

There is absolutely no reason why closer transatlantic co-operation should be incompatible with a stronger Europe. On the contrary, the two will reinforce each other if we let them. Admittedly, the EU’s military resources are small compared with those of the USA, and they will continue to be so for the foreseeable future due to both political and economic constraints. But the EU is in the process of strengthening its crisis-management capability by using a wide range of instruments in a co-ordinated manner.

For us it is vital that NATO continues to be the most important forum for transatlantic dialogue on security issues. We want NATO to continue to safeguard the security of all its members. In short, we want NATO to remain relevant.

I believe this is possible. But then we will have to examine within NATO what we can do to bring the European and the American view of the world and possible course of action closer together. We must also be willing to make concrete contributions to resolving the problems we are facing, both by providing military resources and by showing the political will to take responsibility in an emergency. This responsibility no longer applies only to Europe. Global threats are accompanied by a global responsibility, also for us.

Ladies and gentlemen,

There are a number of factors underlying the challenges we are facing within the transatlantic community. First of all, Europeans haven’t fully grasped how the trauma of 9/11 has marked, and will continue to mark, US foreign policy thinking and behaviour.

In addition to this, the USA has gradually developed a more insistent, less flexible attitude in international issues and displayed a more impatient approach in multilateral fora.

The American approach is often more direct. More pressure is exerted to obtain quick results. The European attitude is frequently characterised by dialogue and greater patience. We sometimes experience the USA as confrontational. They sometimes see us as too evasive. We must seek to reconcile these differences through dialogue and co-operation. We must avoid situations where the USA presents Europe with fixed conclusions and choices on key strategic issues without previous consultations.

America has on several occasions preferred coalitions of the willing rather than permanent alliances. This gives the USA greater room for manoeuvre, simpler decision-making mechanisms and lines of command under American control.

Here we are facing a major challenge. The USA have to realise that they need Europe, the EU and NATO. And I believe they are becoming more aware of this, probably to some extent in view of the recent deterioration of the security situation in Iraq and Afghanistan. The tasks are so formidable that not even the USA can solve them alone.

On the other hand, the US has great expectations as regards both economic and military assistance, expectations that are so great that it may be difficult for the Europeans to meet them.

It is a major problem for the Western countries that the demand for top quality military resources is far greater than what we are jointly able to muster. We must remember that it is the same forces we’re drawing on, whether for NATO operations in Bosnia or Kosovo, US operations in Afghanistan or Iraq or EU operations in Macedonia or Congo.

Generally speaking, it is Norway’s policy to give priority to UN, NATO and EU operations. Nonetheless we will be faced with dilemmas. We will still want to take part in important operations. But we mustn’t spread ourselves too thin.

US foreign policy has a distinctly global orientation. This is nothing new. But what is new is that the USA is now also choosing its partners in a global arena.

In our opinion there is a clear difference between "us" as allies, and "them", the participants in coalitions of the willing. Unlike NATO members, the latter are not bound by a treaty to show solidarity over time. Nor can they provide forces that through common exercises have become so closely co-ordinated with the Americans as our forces are.

However, for the USA this distinction is now less important. Their priority is to get the job done. They ask for and accept help where they can get it. Nonetheless, I think it’s quite clear that the European allies have a special place in the American consciousness, both politically and as partners in the field. For even though there may be disagreement on a particular issue, such as the necessity of the war in Iraq, we share the same values and the same political and democratic traditions.

This sense of community is stronger than many people realise. I believe it will survive our different approaches and divergent views on the Iraq issue. But it will require an effort – also on our part. This is why a strengthened transatlantic dialogue is so important. And here NATO has a key role.

Ladies and gentlemen,

A small country like Norway can only safeguard its security and its national interests through multilateral co-operation. We therefore seek multilateral solutions wherever possible and will continue to provide ideas, military and civilian resources, and humanitarian and economic support for such joint endeavours.

We are living in interesting and exciting times. The changes that are taking place around us in many ways signal the beginning of a new era. An era when the fundamental questions about threats, national interests, global responsibility and international co-operation are being asked anew.

The tasks we are facing are large and they are difficult. Therefore it is vital that our security policy approach is anchored in co-operation both in Europe and across the Atlantic. For us this is "two sides of the same coin". Not because we are demanding or naïve. But because it is the best protection we have against the security threats of our time.

Furthermore, we must adapt the UN to the challenges of today, and we must ensure that it serves all its member countries. We must clarify what the UN can and what it can’t do. The case of Iraq , where Norway wants the UN to play a more central role, illustrates the challenge we are facing. We must ensure that the tasks given to the UN in Iraq are realistic and achievable.

The UN must also be made relevant for those who might be tempted to act outside the world organisation. We must make sure that the UN is in a position to act when action is called for. And we must make sure that the UN receives the resources it needs to perform the tasks it is given.

The UN will not be effective unless the member countries do their share. The UN will not be effective unless the great powers are involved. This applies not least to the USA. I am convinced that the USA has a lot more to gain if it uses the UN, and works within the organisation, than if it goes its own way.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Our goal is to further develop our transatlantic ties with the USA to the benefit of future generations. The close relations between Norway and the USA must not be taken for granted. They must be nurtured and developed. They must also evolve and adapt to a new era in international co-operation.

To do this we need to build relations with many different groups of people, organisations and networks. Groups representing the academic community, the business sector, the media, the arts, and many others. An event such as the US-Norway Forum is a perfect example of how ties between the USA and Norway can be further developed.

Norway’s Centennial Anniversary in 2005 will be an opportunity to intensify these efforts. In 1905 the union with Sweden was dissolved peacefully and Norway became an independent constitutional monarchy. Hence, one of the central concepts during the Centennial Anniversary will be the relationship between Sweden and Norway after the dissolution of the union, under the watchword "Good neighbours for a century".

The anniversary in 2005 will provide a unique opportunity to present Norway abroad. The major objective is to give Norway a stronger international profile in the areas of politics, business, tourism, education and culture.

The programme will focus on modern Norway and Norway as an active participant in the international community.

The centennial celebrations abroad in 2005 will be based on three main themes:

Firstly, we want to focus on Norway as a partner in peace and development. The objective will be to show what Norway is doing to promote peace. There will be a number of different events – like seminars, conferences, guest lectures, exhibitions – that demonstrate the role Norway is playing in peace mediation and conflict resolution and in international co-operation in general.

The second theme will present Norway as a nation rich in resources. Here the focus will be on coastal and marine resources. There will be particular emphasis on Norway’s commitments in the northern areas, and on demonstrating that Norway utilises its rich natural resources in an environmentally sustainable way. Furthermore, the objective will be to show Norway as a reliable energy supplier, an active player in international environmental protection efforts, and a major seafaring nation. The focus will also be on Norwegian nature, the Norwegian spirit of adventure and the Norwegian tradition of exploration.

The third theme will be Norway – a modern nation. The objective will be to focus on Norway as a nation with a rich contemporary culture and as a knowledge-based country. The current globalisation process will be used as a backdrop for displaying the variety and range of Norwegian cultural idioms and the cultural co-operation between Norway and other countries. We especially want to focus on contemporary art, on current cultural trends and on the younger generation.

However, while presenting the new, we do not want to forget the old. Norwegian artists of today are carrying on a great tradition, and we are still proud to present giants of the past like Munch, Grieg and Ibsen. Likewise, to understand present-day Norway one has to look back at the events that laid the foundation for the modern nation. The Centennial provides such an opportunity.

In this connection, I would like to say a few words about the initiative taken by the Norwegian American Foundation and former Vice President Walter Mondale to mark the Centennial. The plans he announced last night are very exciting. As regards the sculpture, I think it is an excellent idea to honour the late Crown Princess Märtha. Your planned endowment will certainly contribute to strengthening the special relations between our two countries.

Norway’s relationship with the United States is special, and the Centennial Anniversary in the United States should be special too. It should be comprehensive, contemporary, and reflect the many bonds and ties between our two countries. It should mark the close relations that exist between us today, and it should establish new networks. Above all, it should provide a good starting point for the next century of close co-operation between Norway and the USA.

Thank you for your attention.