Forsvarsminister Jørgen Kosmo

Panel 1 - European Security:
The Next Generation

The Washington Conference on Transatlantic Security, Washington, D.C., 21 juni 1995

Dear Honorable Guests

I am grateful for the invitation to address this distinguished assembly. This gives me the opportunity to speak on a subject that concerns me a lot; the future of European security.

Opening remarks

The title of Panel 1 - "European Security: The Next Generation" seems a bit ambiguous to me. It could be understood in-more than one way. For instance, it could be interpreted as implying that the era of the wartime generation now has come to an end, at least when it comes to making its influence prevailing in international politics. Or, it could be interpreted as implying that the heirs of the cold war now together will build their future security and together actively participate in the reconstruction of a common European security. As a basis for this intervention I have chosen the last interpretation.

Post-Cold War Europe

In which direction will Europe develop? Will we experience a more federal Europe, where the Maastricht Treaty is understood as a master plan? Or - will we experience a future Europe in which the European Union plays a central role, however supplemented by individual countries and regions?

It is already clear that more countries than we are used to will take an active part in forming the future security of Europe. During the cold war there was less opportunity for the countries outside the two military blocks or under Soviet rule to influence their own position. This was at least the situation for the smaller Central and Eastern European countries.

The Role of the WEU

The WEU will play an important role in the forthcoming process of fully integrating these countries into a common European security fold. As you know, in May 1994 nine Central- and Eastern European countries accepted the WEU Council of Ministers' invitation to become hAssociate Partnersi. Sweden, Finland and Austria have later become observers. This process of integration is obviously in the interest of all of Europe, as well as to the USA and Canada. Further contributions from the WEU in this field will greatly depend on the degree to which we succeed in developing the WEU as the full-fledged European pillar of NATO. If we do not succeed, the WEU could in the worst case scenario develop into a rival to NATO.

Against this background, it will be of utmost Importance to develop further and strengthen the operational capabilities of the WEU. With the necessary support from NATO and all the individual allies, the WEU should be given the ability to carry out the Petersberg-operations effectively, such as humanitarian, search and rescue and peacekeeping operations. These kinds of WEU-operations will become an important and often necessary supplement to NATO's tasks, and as such be in the interest of the Alliance. By prioritizing the development of a structure for such operations, the WEU will not develop into a rival but as a real European pillar of NATO. In this respect, we have to work hard in the months to come to achieve the goal of implementing the concept of Combined Joint Task Forces (CJTF). Only a fully developed CJTF-concept will provide the WEU with the necessary operational capabilities to carry out Petersberg-type operations on its own. However, the WEU cannot guarantee the security of its members on its own. This is why there is and will have to remain an inherent link between the Brussels Treaty and the Washington Treaty. NATO will remain the bedrock for the overall security of its members. WEU has a role to play in areas where NATO as such does not want to get involved.

The important point to stress is that WEU tasks or missions should augment, not duplicate, what is already being done through NATO. Complementarity with NATO must be maintained. As the WEU develops an operational role of its own, it is clear that there will be a need for close consultation and coordination with the Alliance at

all appropriate political and military levels. This is all the more important as NATO itself is now taking on more roles than the defense of its members' territory only. We need to avoid the creation of any separate force structures or command arrangements.

NATO in the years to come

The future of NATO is, as I see it, largely dependent on how it reacts and acts towards the new democracies that wish to become members. If NATO rejected the efforts of these nations, it would soon find itself as a relic of the past, something that belongs to the cold war period. Therefore, it is my strong conviction that NATO should develop a policy for enlargement, and potential members should assume all obligations of NATO-membership. In this context the development of the individual partnership for peace agreements has to be the cornerstone in the process. We must avoid categories of membership, as such an arrangement could open up for an evolution leading to a NATO without a sound military basis. Our ability to enhance security for all European nations, is critically dependent on our ability to integrate new members in NATO - and to do it the right way - as well as the continuing efforts of developing the WEU as a true European pillar of the Alliance.

When admitting new members, we should make parallel efforts in further developing our relations to those countries that for the foreseeable future will not become members neither of NATO nor of the WEU. The position of Russia is of profound importance in the European process of building future security cooperation. Relations with Russia must therefore be handled in a special manner. In the interest of the future security of Europe, both NATO and the WEU will have to evaluate separate arrangements for extended long term bilateral relations with Russia. We must by no means give the Russians the impression that they are excluded from or left behind in taking an active part in building a common European security architecture. The development of the PfP programs must be the plafform for these relations. We can develop trust and confidence through further exercises within the framework of PfP.

The future role of the US in Europe

Since 1945, the USA has held a unique position in Europe. The American influence regarding politics, economy and security has been profound as well as its influence on social and cultural life in the Western European societies. The end of the cold war that resulted in a reduced presence of American troops in Europe, could tempt someone to take steps that in effect would weaken the US position in European politics. Such a development would not be in the interest of the Europeans or the Americans. Europe very much still needs the US to take responsibility for keeping the post-cold war development of European security on the right track.

We, as Europeans, have an increasing responsibility in this regard. After fifty years of transatlantic partnership that has brought peace and prosperity to Europe and North America, we need to reflect carefully and in concrete terms on how to bring this unique partnership into the next century.

First of all, this partnership must continue to be to the benefit of all NATO-members. This means that even an expanded NATO must be a military defense organization. At the same time it is essential that it remains the forum for consultation among the Allies as well as the forum for agreement on politics bearing on the security and defense commitments of its members under the Washington Treaty. This will be of utmost importance in the years to come, as we see the emergence of new threats evolve in regions near Europe.

Secondly, there must be a true burden-sharing of the efforts among the allies. I think of the nations' willingness to continue to prioritize their military forces, some of them through increasing their defense budgets, just as agreed upon at the DPC-ministerial earlier this month.

Summary

Let me summarize in five points:

• In the next century we will experience a new Europe, in which a larger number of nations will take an active part in trying to build a sound and robust security architecture.
• NATO, hopefully with the WEU integrated as a full-fledged European pillar, will be enlarged the right way.
• The relationship towards Russia will have to be further developed, with the aim of establishing enduring mutual trust and stability.
• The USA must continue to be present in Europe with a substantial military force. This will be of critical importance for the future development of the continent.
• There must be a true burden-sharing of the efforts among the allies.