Foreign Minister Bjørn Tore Godal

Statement to the Storting on Foreign Policy's

30 January 1996

Mr. President,

It is to be hoped that the peace agreement for the former Yugoslavia signed in Paris in December will mark the end of the bloodiest conflict on our continent since the Second World War. Now we must work to secure this fragile peace. And we must commit ourselves fully to the effort to prevent history from repeating itself both in the Balkans and elsewhere in Europe.

Something new and promising is emerging from the ruins of this tragedy. The NATO-led force in Bosnia includes personnel from the NATO countries, neutral countries, countries of Central and Eastern Europe and Russia. We can see the contours of a new security order as these countries forge a Partnership for Peace which can unite all positive forces when the situation truly requires.

NATO cooperation and a consistent policy aimed at eliminating tension have been means of safeguarding our own security and that of other countries. The EU has made a vital contribution to making war between former adversaries just as unthinkable as war between Nordic neighbours. The prospect of NATO and EU enlargement towards the east and south presents us and other parties concerned with important choices.

Our primary task now is to continue to develop cooperation across the former bloc divisions. We must demonstrate in terms of practical policy that the end of the Cold War offers new opportunities that will have an impact on people's everyday lives. Norway too must do its share to ensure that democracy takes root in Russia and that the efforts to enhance security and improve living conditions in Central and Eastern Europe make headway.

We have made a significant contribution to these efforts in the north through the Barents Cooperation. We are also helping to lay a similar foundation in the Baltic Region under the auspices of the Baltic Sea Council. Such efforts make it more difficult for demagogues to play on people's uncertainty and to entice them to return to a life of isolation and confrontation.

We do not yet have a full overview of the new challenges and opportunities facing us. Norway's unique geographical and geopolitical position at the crossroads between the European, the Atlantic and the Russian dimension poses special challenges for Norwegian foreign policy. In my statement today I shall focus particularly on these three dimensions and on what the Government views as the most pressing tasks that they will involve in the next few years.

The referendum on EU membership is behind us, but Europe is still in a state of flux. We too are part of this process. For more than a year we have experienced working together with an enlarged EU that includes three Nordic members. Throughout the entire post-war period Norway has coordinated its foreign policy with other close partners. In keeping with this tradition, the Government has chosen to continue this cooperation policy within the parameters set by the outcome of the referendum.

EU cooperation affects all of the most important Norwegian foreign and security policy interests. In practice, it has turned out that the EU countries' common foreign and security policy by and large coincides with our own priorities and viewpoints. We also note that the various member countries pursue their own national policies in matters where the EU has no common policy. An example of this is the response to the French nuclear tests.

In the Government's view, our interests are best served by having the closest possible cooperation with the EU and EU countries. It is therefore very important for us to develop closer contacts with the various member countries and to take advantage of the possibilities offered by the dialogue and contact arrangements that we have with the EU countries' foreign and security policy cooperation.

The current situation is a demanding one. Extensive resources are required to obtain information about the work being done in the EU and to present our views, particularly in matters where our interests may differ from those of EU countries. We have of course fewer ways than the EU member countries of shaping the course of European cooperation revolving around the EU and EU policy in sectors that affect Norwegian economic interests. This means that we must make an even more determined effort to make our views known. I am pleased that Norway's broad-based international involvement in peace efforts, humanitarian operations and development helps us in this context to make our views known and to gain a hearing for them in central partner countries.

Nordic cooperation has become a particularly important channel to the EU. The Nordic countries' closer affiliation with the EU has given new impetus to cooperation in the Nordic region. As a result of the reforms being introduced by the Nordic Council and the Council of Ministers, the mechanisms of Nordic cooperation have become more suitable, not only as a basis for cooperation between the countries themselves, but also as a basis for relations with Europe and the adjacent areas in Eastern Europe and in the north. It is up to us to take advantage of this, but all of the Nordic countries must join forces and pull in the same direction.

Nordic cooperation will provide a good platform for our European policy in the years ahead. As neighbours it is in all of our interests to find sound, viable solutions, even in areas in which the Nordic countries may sometimes feel that they have somewhat divergent interests. With this in mind, the Government is working to find a basis for agreement on the current problems in the fisheries and agricultural sectors.

We have to face the fact that the Nordic EU countries will of course be focusing more of their attention on EU cooperation. The fact that the EU countries also coordinate their efforts in important international organizations such as the UN, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the Council of Europe poses an added challenge to traditional Nordic cooperation.

We have responded to this through close, pragmatic cooperation, for instance by taking part in EU initiatives in which we share common interests. The prime ministers and foreign ministers have agreed to continue and further develop Nordic cooperation in international fora. This is particularly the case in the UN, which is the forum that has contributed most to the Nordic profile in international politics.

The Nordic Passport Union is one of the most important examples of successful Nordic cooperation. One of the Government's primary objectives is to safeguard the benefits the Passport Union represents. The Nordic countries are in agreement as regards the desirability of continuing Nordic cooperation in this field, while at the same time taking part in broader European cooperation on the basis of the Schengen Convention. On this point I would refer you to the Minister of Justice's statement to the Storting on 8 November last year. Negotiations on conditions for joint Nordic accession are well under way.

Now that Finland, Sweden and Austria have joined the EU, it is of vital importance to Norway that the EEA cooperation continues to function as well as possible. The EEA Agreement is designed to safeguard our economic interests. Norway is without a doubt the contracting party that will benefit most from ensuring that the agreement continues to function and that full advantage is taken of its potential. This is why the Government is planning a concerted effort in many fields.

Moreover, we wish to take advantage of the EEA Agreement so that Norway can participate actively in areas such as research, education, the environment and culture as well. In the field of regional policy, we are already participating in valuable cooperation under the INTERREG programme. There is also a need for a carefully targeted information campaign on the position and role that the EEA Agreement accords us in Europe. The Government has therefore attached importance to this. We need to provide information both to those in Norway who would benefit from the opportunities provided by the EEA Agreement and to our cooperation partners in the EU.

The foreign and security policy cooperation between the EU countries has become an increasingly important force in the effort to link east and west together in Europe. EU cooperation largely determines the framework for relations between Europe and Russia, the development of transatlantic as well as Baltic ties and extended cooperation in the Mediterranean region.

The recently concluded agreement on a customs union between the EU and Turkey represents an important step towards broader cooperation with an ally of great strategic importance to Europe. The Turkish election at the end of last year demonstrated the political tensions in the country. It is important that Turkey participates fully in European cooperation, with the obligations and opportunities this entails. The Government supports broader cooperation, which will also enable us to expand the dialogue on fundamental questions related to democracy and human rights.

The EU Summit in Madrid in December confirmed that the EU will be enlarged. EU enlargement towards the east and south will provide a historic opportunity to create a comprehensive, binding pan-European cooperation arrangement. Preparations for enlargement negotiations are already under way. It is gratifying to see that the Nordic EU countries have gained acceptance for their proposal to treat the Baltic countries on an equal footing with the other associated Central and Eastern European countries. The Government has supported this effort, because it will enhance stability in our part of the world.

Even though EU enlargement will of necessity take time, we already discern the contours of a Europe where up to 30 countries will be interwoven in broad-based political and economic cooperation. The gradual emergence of a more cohesive Europe will have an impact on the way people think in Norway as well. The day is coming when countries that have long seemed remote will become important partner countries. The Government therefore intends to strengthen our contacts with the applicant countries.

The EU's commitment to Eastern Europe in the economic sphere has been followed up by the EFTA countries, which have concluded free-trade agreements with all the countries with which the EU now has Europe agreements. As the EU enlargement process proceeds, it will be increasingly important for us to follow the economic integration process closely and adapt EFTA's free-trade agreements to safeguard the interests of Norwegian business and industry. As future EU member states, the countries of Central and Eastern Europe will also be parties to the EEA Agreement, which will create new challenges for us.

The associated countries' desire to join the EU is based on both economic and political considerations. In order to become members, the countries must put an end to any conflicts and lay the groundwork for stable social development based on democratic principles and market economy. Thus, the enlargement process in itself will be an important factor which both requires and contributes to stability and enhanced security.

The emergence of a cohesive, peaceful Europe without new fronts or dividing lines is of fundamental interest to Norway. Such a Europe must be based on a community in which all the parties are equal and where the people of Europe can join forces to address common challenges across historical and cultural dividing lines. Differences and conflicts must be prevented and resolved peacefully. A community that unites the people of Europe in broad-based, comprehensive cooperation is the best guarantee of our own security.

On 29 March the EU countries will be convening an intergovernmental conference to discuss how cooperation should be further developed. Future enlargement towards the east and south means that forms of cooperation must be made more efficient and adapted to new tasks and new members. However, there is little to indicate that the IGC will lead to any extensive or dramatic changes in the basic direction of EU cooperation. It will continue to comprise cooperation between sovereign nations that believe that they are best served by exercising their authority together with others in certain specific areas in order to address common challenges and tasks.

It is in Norway's interests that the EU countries succeed in laying the groundwork for intensifying joint efforts in areas such as peace and security, the economy, employment and the environment. We would also like to see the cooperation be given an even firmer democratic basis and be made more transparent. The Government has therefore actively supported the Nordic EU countries' initiatives and proposals in these important areas. The fact that the EU has intensified its efforts here will have great significance for our own prospects of pursuing active employment and environmental policies.

The Government would like to stress how important it is that the EU continues to be receptive to consultation and cooperation with like-minded countries. The progress of the EU countries' security policy efforts and the development of ties between the Western European Union (WEU) and the EU pose great challenges to Norway. The debate on these issues also concerns relations between the WEU and NATO, as well as those between the European countries and our North American allies.

France's closer links to military cooperation in NATO have strengthened the Alliance and the European security and defence identity. In the Government's view, the advantage of a stronger WEU lies in its dual role as NATO's European pillar and the EU's security and defence policy instrument. The function of the WEU should involve coordinating and improving the efficiency of the European countries' crisis management and peace-keeping abilities and humanitarian efforts. In the Government's view, this can best be achieved by retaining the WEU as an independent organization.

Even though there are differences of opinion within the EU as to the position of the WEU in future security policy cooperation, there is general consensus that the WEU should be developed in a way that strengthens NATO and the transatlantic security community. The transatlantic ties are of fundamental importance to Norway and to Europe. Cooperation between the countries of Western Europe and North America has been a decisive stabilizing factor in Europe, particularly the cooperation in NATO. There is no doubt that a North American presence in Europe and participation in the security policy community are still necessary.

The summit meeting between the EU and the USA in December laid the premises for expanded transatlantic cooperation in the non-military field by means of an action plan that paves the way for expanded, comprehensive cooperation on political, economic, cultural and global questions. The Government wishes to contribute to the effort to develop the transatlantic dialogue between the USA and the EU as this is also a means of safeguarding our own interests. We were therefore pleased that the previous Spanish EU presidency expressed its willingness to include Norway, Iceland and Canada in the follow-up to the new action plan. This willingness was confirmed by my Italian colleague and the current Italian presidency at a meeting in Rome last week. The US also seems to be in favour of Norwegian participation.

The transatlantic action plan made public at the summit meeting in Madrid is very comprehensive. Economic and trade policy cooperation, relations with Russia, the former Yugoslavia and the Middle East are among the areas in the plan to which we wish to give priority and in which we feel we are in a good position to make a contribution. We also support the EU and the USA in the priority they are giving to the fight against international crime and cooperation in negotiations on environmental issues. In the trade policy area, the Government will work to ensure that expanded transatlantic cooperation and the inter-regional cooperation between the EU and the growth regions of Asia and Latin America proceed in full accordance with global rules and within the framework of the multilateral trading system under linkdoc#docthe World Trade Organization (WTO).

The peace efforts in the former Yugoslavia have shown how important close transatlantic cooperation and a US presence in Europe are to a European security order. It is, however, only natural that the European countries themselves gradually assume a greater share of the responsibility for European security.

The US played a decisive role in the breakthrough in negotiations in Dayton. I would like to express our deep appreciation for the US effort without thereby underestimating the importance of the peace diplomacy practised by the European countries and the UN. They too played an active part in ensuring that Europe, the USA and Russia worked together, and prevented major players from supporting opposing sides in the conflict. The peace in the former Yugoslavia is fragile. A lasting peace will be dependent on active international follow-up for many years to come. Norway too has a vested interest in assisting in the implementation of the peace agreement with financial as well as human resources.

Norway has provided extensive assistance to the former Yugoslavia over the past few years. In 1995 this assistance amounted to NOK 400 million. The Government intends to maintain assistance at this high level during the current year. Direct emergency relief will be continued throughout the winter and spring. After that we presume that the assistance can be targeted more towards reconstruction and building up infrastructure, housing and schools.

linkurlgopher://gopher.unicc.org:70/11/unhcrcdr_blankThe UN High Commissioner for Refugees has been given responsibility for organizing the return of refugees to the former Yugoslavia. The Government will, in cooperation with the High Commissioner, host an international conference in Oslo in March to discuss principles and plans for the return of refugees. It is important that the countries concerned coordinate their efforts, not only with a view to implementing the peace agreement but also in order to ensure the safety of the refugees once they have returned home.

linkurlgopher://marvin.stc.nato.int:70/11/Other_International/csce_blankThe Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe has assumed responsibility for the provisions of linkurlhttp://www.access-dayton.com/bosnia/_blankthe Dayton Agreement concerning the preparation and carrying out of elections, the monitoring of the human rights situation and negotiations on arms control and regional stability. Norway will contribute in all three of these areas. The Government is also prepared to provide support for democracy-building measures in the longer term. Democracy cannot be secured unless the leaders who are elected are determined to promote human rights and democracy and safeguard the peace. The war represents a new shameful chapter in European history. It is important that those who are being accused of war crimes are apprehended and tried before the UN International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. To secure peace, genuine disarmament, with clear conditions for the warring parties, will be necessary. As head of the disarmament control group, General Vigleik Eide has a central role to play in the negotiations. We must make sure that the parties do not take advantage of the peace to rearm for a new war.

Norway is also heavily involved in the military side of the implementation of the peace agreement. linkurlhttp://www.nato.int/ifor/ifor.htm_blankNATO's implementation force, IFOR, has implications that extend far beyond the borders of Bosnia. It illustrates that NATO is able to take on tasks on behalf of the UN and confirms that the Alliance plays an important stabilizing role in Europe, in cooperation with the UN, the OSCE and other organizations. The fact that the partners and non-members of the Alliance are taking part shows that the practical cooperation across previous dividing lines is now bearing fruit. IFOR is an important element in the cooperation that is currently being developed between NATO and Russia. NATO has taken legitimate Russian interests and needs into account in the cooperation arrangements that have been established.

Because of Russia's position in European security policy, we are following internal developments in the country with particularly close attention. The Russian general elections last December were considerably better conducted than those in 1993, and they represent a milestone in the development of the new Russia. The elections are a promising sign of growing stability in the country, which we hope will continue after the presidential election this coming June. However, the election result also reflects the great social costs of the reform effort that has been initiated. Nonetheless, we must not forget that the Russians have come a long way in a short period of time. It is difficult to imagine them returning to the way things were when we see the diversity of the press and media and the political landscape.

The best way for us to support democratic developments in Russia is to demonstrate our unfailing resolve to include the Russians in comprehensive, binding, open and equitable pan-European cooperation. The Russians must also commit themselves totally in word and deed to such cooperation if it is to bear fruit. Therefore, the Government supports Russia's candidature to the linkurlgopher://marvin.stc.nato.int:70/11/Other_International/coe_blankCouncil of Europe and hopes that the country will be accepted as a member as soon as possible. The Government welcomes the Parliamentary Assembly's decision to recommend Russian membership. Membership would entail firm commitments in areas such as human rights and minority issues, and would help to develop the rule of law in Russia. The tragic turn of events in Chechnya is a reminder of the need to find political solutions to conflicts as well as the need to put an end to terrorism as a political instrument.

The security and cooperation structures being developed in Europe will not be stable without Russian participation. Although all of the Euroatlantic cooperation organizations can help to promote Russian integration, NATO has a particularly important role to play. Russian participation in linkurlhttp://www.nato.int/docu/basictxt/bt-pfp.htm_blankPartnership for Peace and IFOR will help to forge relations between NATO and Russia. The Government attaches great importance to efforts to reach an agreement on the principles for cooperation between NATO and Russia. The development of ties between NATO and Russia must proceed in parallel with NATO's enlargement process, and with the same thrust. In my view, given the general security policy situation in Europe, it would also be an advantage if the enlargement processes in the EU and NATO followed a parallel course.

Cooperation on arms control and disarmament is a particularly important instrument in the effort to create a new security policy architecture in Europe. In the Government's view, it is extremely important to maintain the Treaty on Conventional Forces in Europe, the CFE Treaty, as the cornerstone of European security policy. It will be to no one's benefit if the treaty breaks down.

As a result of the CFE Treaty, some 50,000 heavy weapons systems have been removed from Europe during the past five years. The treaty has created an openness in military matters that has overcome much of the previous distrust and unpredictability. However, despite this favourable trend, there is still some dispute about the flank regime. The parties have agreed to conduct negotiations on a solution that will adjust the extent of the flank zone. But unfortunately, there has been no progress in these negotiations so far. It is essential to find a solution that will not undermine the security of any of the parties. This has been the aim of the proposals put forward by the NATO allies. I appeal to Russia to help to find a solution to the outstanding questions as soon as possible.

The interim agreement between the EU and Russia that was signed in July last year is an important step in the construction of open, pan-European cooperation. I am pleased to note that regional cooperation has been incorporated as an integral part of the EU's cooperation strategy vis-à-vis Russia. It is important to Norway that cooperation in areas adjacent to our borders is viewed in a broader European context.

The Barents Cooperation and the Baltic Sea Cooperation both represent an important contribution to Russia's integration into European cooperation structures. The Baltic Sea Cooperation is regarded with considerable interest in the EU, and one of Norway's principal tasks will therefore be to ensure that the Barents Cooperation is also given its rightful place on the European agenda. Russia has the chairmanship of the Barents Council in 1996, which will provide new opportunities to confirm and deepen cooperation at all levels. In a recent letter from my new Russian colleague, he emphasized the importance of further developing our close regional cooperation and bilateral relations. This will naturally occupy a central place in the talks I shall be having with the Russian foreign minister in the near future.

Cooperation in the Barents Region has created a new climate in the north, and the advantages of this are already being utilized in most fields. Every day about 180 people cross the Norwegian-Russian border at Storskog, whereas five years ago the figure was only slightly above 20. The Government is aware of the need for improved border routines, and is prepared to discuss with the Russians Norway's support for the proposal to move the Russian customs post closer to the border.

In the Government's view, environmental problems are among the most important tasks to be dealt with in the northern areas. The greatest challenges here lie in the environmental legacy from the Soviet era, including large amounts of radioactive waste, unsafe nuclear depots and large-scale industrial pollution. This situation must also be viewed in the context of future exploitation of the natural resources of the region, especially the plans for offshore petroleum and gas extraction. The Government will seek to promote sustainable development in the region through support for competence-building and specific projects within the framework of the Programme of Action for Eastern Europe and through cooperation in multinational fora. This is also one of the aims behind the agreement concluded on the renovation of Pechenganikel.

For a long time Norway has been promoting broad international cooperation in order to improve nuclear safety and reduce the risk of radioactive contamination, especially in northwestern Russia. The responsibility for solving the problems associated with nuclear activities in Russia lies with the Russian authorities, but other countries can help to plan solutions and contribute to their financing. The Government is working actively to involve more countries and the EU in these efforts.

The Government's plan of action for nuclear issues, Norway's close contacts with the Russian authorities and our experience of running joint projects with the Russians have turned out to be of interest to others. This has resulted in useful cooperation with the USA, France and the EU, among others. We are particularly pleased at the strong interest shown by the USA, which was confirmed by the invitation to Norwegian representatives to take part in a hearing on these issues in Congress last month. I would also like to mention that last month the USA, Russia and Norway agreed to move on to the construction phase of the projected effluent treatment facility for liquid low-level radioactive waste in Murmansk.

Extensive cooperation has been initiated to reduce the acute problems connected with unsafe civilian nuclear power stations. However, much still remains to be done as regards nuclear waste, especially waste generated by military activities. This includes identifying the problems, risk assessment and environmental impact assessment, and above all the implementation of specific measures. Open contact with the Russian military authorities is invaluable as a means of obtaining reliable information on conditions at nuclear facilities. Norway is highly satisfied with the endorsement by the G-7 countries of President Yeltsin's initiative to arrange a summit in Moscow in April 1996 to discuss nuclear safety, illicit traffic in fissile material and nuclear waste.

In order to contribute to the preparations for this important meeting, we have presented our views to the G-7 countries and to Russia. We have emphasized the need for an international cooperation forum and for financial resources for multinational projects that could help to solve the problems associated with the management, storage and disposal of spent nuclear fuel and radioactive waste in Russia. We will continue to pursue these initiatives vis-à-vis the participants at the summit in order to ensure that the outcome of the meeting is also beneficial for Norway. I discussed these issues as recently as last week with the Italian EU presidency.

However, the nuclear threat involves more than nuclear power plants and radioactive waste. The award of the Nobel Peace Prize last year was a reminder that there is still much to be done in the field of disarmament as well. The Government will continue to give the highest priority to efforts to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons and to reduce their importance. We shall provide active support for efforts to encourage NATO and Russia to work together to combat the risk of proliferation and lack of control of nuclear weapons. Russia's position in this area may well be decisive for developments in the rest of the world. The issue of nuclear weapons will therefore play a central part in the effort to create a strategic partnership between NATO and Russia.

The Government notes with satisfaction that the Non-Proliferation Treaty was extended for an indefinite period last spring. This year we expect to witness the conclusion of the negotiations on an agreement prohibiting all forms of nuclear testing. These negotiations are very important for Norway, not least because the only remaining Russian testing site is just across our border, on Novaya Zemlya. The Government has deeply deplored the French and Chinese nuclear tests, and called on other nuclear powers to uphold the ban on nuclear testing. We are pleased to note that France has concluded its nuclear tests, and that the country will make an active effort to achieve a comprehensive test-ban treaty before the end of the year.

But we cannot stop there. In the Government's view, we must now continue our efforts to achieve a world without nuclear weapons. Firstly, we must increase international efforts to promote sound and environmentally safe handling of radioactive material from nuclear weapons. Secondly, negotiations on an agreement prohibiting the production of fissile material for use in weapons must be started as soon as possible. Thirdly, the nuclear weapon powers must strengthen their guarantees to refrain from using or threatening to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear weapon states. Fourthly, the nuclear weapon states must be more open about their nuclear weapons arsenals. Fifthly, the strategic disarmament process must be continued, and the agreements already concluded must be ratified and implemented. Russia and the USA should again take the lead and draw the other nuclear powers into this process. Sixthly, the nuclear weapon states must continue and if possible accelerate the pace of reductions in their tactical nuclear weapons as well, on an equitable and mutually binding basis.

In the Government's view, arms control efforts must be intensified in order to keep pace with advances in weapons technology. If we do not manage to establish safe control systems, the prospects of biological warfare are frightening. It is, however, gratifying to note that international cooperation directed against the proliferation of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons and missile technology has made great progress in recent years, not least as a result of the experience gained from the Gulf War.

After over two years of negotiations, agreement was reached before Christmas on the establishment of a new forum for export control of conventional weapons and sensitive advanced technology that can be used for military purposes. The new forum encompasses 28 countries, including Russia. Norway is taking an active part in this, as in other bodies that promote non-proliferation. These arrangements have an important function because they encourage the exercise of a cautious export policy and contribute to a coordinated effort to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and the build-up of a conventional offensive capability.

Disarmament is a clear example of how important it is to avoid what I would call "re-nationalization" of foreign and security policy, in which uncompromising self-determination triumphs over the ability and the will to choose cooperation. We know that the policies of individual states are not adequate for solving the economic, technological, social and ecological problems confronting the world. Cross-border challenges can only be met through better international steering mechanisms.

This can also be clearly seen in important issues concerning natural resources. It is gratifying that the efforts to create a better organized world have made considerable progress in Norway's view as regards competition for fisheries resources on the high seas and the need to devise sound management regimes. Norway was among the first countries to sign the UN agreement on high seas fisheries on 4 December last year. The Government hopes and believes that the agreement will contribute to a satisfactory arrangement in regard to the problems of the Loophole and the Atlantic Donut Hole. In the long term, we cannot continue to live with a situation in which otherwise friendly Nordic neighbours spend time and energy quarrelling about these questions.

Last year's celebration of the United Nations' 50th anniversary is a reminder of the important role played by this organization. But it is also a reminder that it, too, has limited possibilities and that there is room for improvement. In terms of global cooperation the UN will continue to occupy a special position in Norwegian foreign policy. With its mandate, and with the support it enjoys among the nations of the world, the Organization is in a unique position to tackle the problems people are facing all over the world. The role of the Security Council has been strengthened in the last few years, and this has helped to make the Organization as a whole more powerful. But the UN can do no more than its member countries want it to. This limitation affects both peacekeeping operations and development programmes.

The economic crisis facing the UN will become even more obvious in the course of this year. The reduced support from the US Congress will in all probability force the Organization to make drastic cuts in a number of areas. On several occasions, Norway, together with like-minded countries, has expressed deep regret at the lack of willingness shown by so many countries to fulfil their economic commitments to the UN. At the same time, it is important that all countries adopt a realistic attitude to what the UN actually can do. The Organization must remain flexible in order to fulfil its functions adequately. We feel that a better foundation for multilateral solutions should be found. The Nordic governments are in the process of assessing a Nordic programme of action for the reform of the UN in the economic and social fields. This Nordic UN project is being coordinated by Norway.

Relations with the developing countries illustrate both the disparities and the common destiny that the world community is facing. Poverty, want, population growth, mass migration, scarcity of resources, environmental degradation and political conflicts in other parts of the world require a coherent, forward-looking policy. Here, I would like to refer you to Report No. 19 (1995-96) to the Storting, A changing world - main elements of Norwegian policy towards developing countries, which the Government presented to the Storting just before Christmas.

Norway's tradition of solidarity with the oppressed and its long-standing commitment to peace and democracy have won our country trust and credibility in the outside world. Our assistance is sought not only in connection with peacekeeping operations, although these are still of the greatest importance, but also to an increasing extent in connection with conflict resolution and peace enforcement. In addition to our efforts in the Middle East and Central America, we have been asked to play a role in a number of other areas of conflict. I am pleased to note this tribute of confidence and faith paid to Norway's role as a mediator in conflict resolution.

The promotion of peace, democracy and human rights has come to occupy an increasingly important place in our international efforts. At the same time, however, it is important to emphasize our limitations. The number of areas where we can participate will be limited by the human and financial resources available, and often also by our lack of knowledge of the area of conflict.

Our involvement in the Middle East peace process still has the highest priority. At the invitation of Shimon Peres and Yasser Arafat, the Prime Minister will be visiting Israel and the Palestinian Territories in May. We shall maintain our support for the peace process to the best of our ability. One of our intentions in this connection is to follow up the parties' request for Norway to contribute to mutual understanding between the Palestinians and Israelis through specific measures in "people-to-people" cooperation.

We are pleased to note the substantial progress made in linkurlhttp://www.israel-mfa.gov.il/peace/palest.html_blankthe peace process between Israel and the Palestinians with the signing of linkurlhttp://www.israel-mfa.gov.il/peace/interim.html_blankthe Oslo II Agreement in Washington on 28 September last year and the subsequent Israeli withdrawal from towns and villages on the West Bank. The first Palestinian elections have recently been held. This was a historic occasion. I hope the forces of democracy have taken root and will contribute to stability in the region. I also note with satisfaction that the negotiations for a peace treaty between Syria and Israel seem to have opened up new possibilities, although many difficulties still remain to be overcome.

Developments in the Palestinian Territories so far have in my opinion exceeded our expectations. The economic situation, too, has improved. At the Ministerial Conference on Economic Assistance to the Palestinian People in Paris on 9 January, which Norway chaired together with France, it was evident that a large part of the world community will continue to support the Palestinians and the peace process politically and economically. The final negotiations between Israel and the newly elected Palestinian administration, which will begin at the latest in May, will be dealing with extremely important and difficult issues such as the status of Jerusalem, Palestinian refugees, Israeli settlers and the final status of the Palestinian Territories and the Palestinian authorities. Finalizing this last phase is a heavy responsibility for both the Israeli and the Palestinian leaders.

Both in the Middle East and elsewhere, promoting human rights occupies a prominent place in Norwegian foreign policy. We are involved in the fates of individuals. But just as important is the broad-based work of developing and consolidating the principles of the rule of law and respect for human life in international relations. We have joined other countries in putting pressure on Nigeria after the execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight other Nigerian human rights activists. Norway intends, in close contact with a number of other countries, including African countries such as South Africa, to continue to exert pressure on the present Nigerian regime in order to speed up the transition to a democratic government.

We are very concerned by developments in Burundi and Rwanda, where there are serious conflicts between major ethnic groups. New coordinated international efforts are essential if we are to avoid another catastrophe. The Government will now take the initiative to involve other countries in a joint action to try to solve the refugee problems and promote peace and reconciliation in this part of central Africa. We are prepared to contribute NOK 120 million to a coordinated assistance programme that we are hoping will receive broad international support.

Norway and the other Nordic countries played a central role in the struggle against apartheid, and we are currently expanding cooperation at all levels with the new South Africa. That country has the power to play a leading role in the building of a better Africa, and the Prime Minister's visit to South Africa next month must be viewed in this context.

Efforts to promote democracy and economic and social progress have also borne fruit in Latin America, even though much still remains to be done. There is hope that 1996 will bring peace and reconciliation to Guatemala. Economic policy in many Latin American countries is characterized by the opening up of markets, liberalization and privatization, a process which is being helped along by regional integration. The Government is working to strengthen Norway's trade relations with countries on this continent.

Southeast Asia is now an area of vigorous economic growth, with the opportunities this provides for the development of trade and economic cooperation. The Government's Asia Plan will facilitate dialogue and increased contact between Norway and the countries in the region, and is ultimately intended to lead to a stronger Norwegian presence here in the political, economic and cultural fields. We also attach importance to our ties with Japan and China.

Other cultures do not always have the same norms and values as we do. Their attitudes to human rights, standards of welfare, child labour and gender equality may be quite different from ours. The best way of communicating our attitudes and values is to maintain an open dialogue across cultural and political dividing lines. This applies especially to relations between Islam and the West. I feel that we should now be making more effort to develop common ground as a basis for understanding and cooperation between these two cultures.

We are seeking through broad-based contacts to take part in efforts to improve human rights conditions where this is most needed. But we know that this is not always enough. Experience has shown that in certain situations it is necessary to make use of broadly targeted measures such as sanctions. In such cases, it is important to gain as much support as possible for the measures so that they achieve the desired result. If Norway resorts to unilateral measures, we are liable to affect Norwegians without necessarily promoting human rights. However, I would not exclude the possibility of unilateral measures under certain circumstances. Here, I would like to refer to the debate in this chamber on 12 December on the subject of Iran. Norway cannot maintain normal relations with Iran as long as the Iranian authorities do not dissociate themselves, both in word and in deed, from the fatwa and its completely unacceptable violation of generally recognized human rights principles and the most elementary norms of international law governing international relations.

I am pleased to note that there is broad-based commitment to efforts to protect and promote human rights among the Norwegian people. Respect for human dignity is fundamental in all our policies and is our most important defence against conflict and war. This is, of course, just as true in an age when rapid changes in our surroundings require innovative thinking and purposeful efforts in foreign policy. We must intensify our efforts to promote peace, democracy and human rights. The power of example is important, but the more we join forces with others, the stronger we will be. Even though the goal of a world at peace may still appear to be unobtainable, each of us must do his part to make use of the window of opportunity history has opened for us today. Building the road or roads to peace is the primary task of foreign policy.