Capable and ready for action – Norway’s armed forces 2010

Grete Faremo giving her New Year’s address to the Oslo Military Society. Photo: Taral Jansen, FMS.

Your Majesty,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

Introduction
It is a great pleasure for me to take my place on the speaker’s rostrum here at the Oslo Military Society this evening. The voters have spoken and have given the Stoltenberg II government a renewed mandate for a further parliamentary period. Personally I am new to my role as defence minister but I aim to “steer the same course as my predecessor”, as Dagbladet expressed it in its columns before Christmas. And of course I want to build on the good work done over the last period.  

The Long-Term Plan for the Norwegian Armed Forces for the period 2009-2012 remains firmly in place and the work of strengthening our defence forces continues. Not least because the Armed Forces must continually adapt both to changing geopolitical circumstances and to the new demands of modern society. We are in the process of ensuring that we have very modern mission-oriented defence forces. 

The men and women in the Armed Forces, and the knowledge and skills that they possess, constitute our most valuable resource and together they represent a formidable body of competence and capability. Such a defence organisation also calls for leadership above and beyond what was needed in the past. Greater openness, an emphasis on core values and thoroughly professional administration are areas on which I shall be focusing in my capacity as defence minister and I will expand on these points later in my talk this evening.

Let me begin, however, with a look at developments in the security policy arena. 

Revision of NATO’s Strategic Concept
A process that is sure to attract a great deal of political attention throughout 2010 is the revision of NATO’s Strategic Concept. This concept is the Alliance’s top level document, next only to the 1949 North Atlantic Treaty itself. The concept sets out political guidelines for the purpose and tasks of the Alliance in the longer term. The Government will be involved in the process of deciding the content of these guidelines.

NATO is an organisation made up of states that “wish to preserve their freedom, cultural heritage and civilisation” and that are founded on the principles of the rule of law, democracy and the freedom of the individual. These are universal principles and values, quite independent of the stringent security policy constraints of the Cold War era.

NATO is in many ways a unique organisation. The Alliance has a common planning organisation, an integrated military command structure and a permanently available decision mechanism, the North Atlantic Council. No other organisation has this combination. NATO has been the cornerstone of our security policy since we signed the North Atlantic Treaty on 4 April 1949 and it will continue to be just that. The backing for NATO membership in Norway is very strong and increasing. 

Processes and milestones
NATO’s current strategic concept dates back to 1999. A great deal has happened since then. The summit meeting held in Strasbourg/Kehl last year was therefore convened to initiate work on a new and updated strategic concept. 

At present the process is at what is called a reflection phase. NATO is arranging focused seminars to consider key questions in concert with selected member states. A so-called Group of Wise Men, led by former US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, participates in all these seminars. The Group is to submit a report of their conclusions to the NATO Secretary General, Anders Fogh Rasmussen. This summer the Secretary General will submit his proposals to the member states. At that point we enter a more formal negotiation process. According to the plan, the member states will finalise the negotiations regarding a new strategic concept in advance of the Summit to be held in Lisbon in autumn this year.

All our experience suggests that the possibility of having an effect on such processes is greatest if one is involved from the very beginning, that is to say in the reflection phase. From Norway’s side, therefore, we have been very active from the start. 

Main principles and challenges
Norway takes the view that NATO must, first and foremost, be a defence alliance and the primary organisation for dealing with security challenges faced by the Allies. The importance of the Alliance as a forum for dialogue between the United States and Europe must be maintained.

From the Norwegian side we have emphasised in particular that the concept must focus on NATO’s core tasks. The ability of the Alliance to defend all the member states in accordance with Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty must continue to be fundamental. In other words NATO must be in a position to give its member countries the security that lies in collective defence. Mutual assistance in the event of armed aggression is the rock on which NATO is built. All the member countries must be able to feel that their fundamental security interests are being safeguarded. NATO must therefore possess the relevant and credible capabilities that this requires. This may sound like something that can be taken for granted – but not all may see it in this way. In recent years the Alliance has focused on “out of area” operations to such an extent that emphasis on the real core tasks has been somewhat muted.

We would not wish to suggest that this is an ‘either/or’ situation. NATO should continue to undertake operations “out of area”, and outside Article 5, provided that these operations are firmly based on a clear UN mandate. But the balance between “home” and “away” should be given fresh consideration. This balance between “home” and “away”, and between “Article 5” and “non-Article 5” operations, is now one of the most important questions in the discussion of future strategy. There can be little doubt that we, from Norway’s side, have played our part in promoting this theme to a position high on the agenda.

A further aspect of this balance is the fact that we must not allow whatever is most acute here and now to outweigh what is most important in the long run. This calls for the ability to look up and think long-term instead of simply assuming that the future will be purely an extrapolation of things as we know them today.

This thinking is summed up in what we call the Core Area Initiative. The aims of this initiative are:

• to strengthen NATO’s credibility where collective defence of its members is concerned,
• to strengthen the Alliance’s situational awareness and intelligence cooperation,
• to raise the level of training and exercise activity in NATO’s vicinity,
• and to ensure that the Alliance’s structural and defence planning reflects these priorities.

The question of the Alliance’s future deterrence capability, including the significance of nuclear weapons, will be a central theme in the negotiations. From the Norwegian side we are working for a solution in which the Alliance’s core tasks and allied solidarity are maintained but where the role of nuclear weapons plays a reduced part in the Alliance’s strategy. There is no contradiction here. It is an obvious aim of our security policy to contribute towards nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. Norway is working actively with this as an objective in the run-up to the important Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference to be held later this year.

Nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation are closely connected and today’s nuclear states must bear their share of the responsibility. The collaboration between the United States and Russia on a new START Treaty is positive in this respect. A balanced arms reduction process between these two states would make a valuable contribution towards strengthening security in Europe as well as in the world as a whole. We must not forget that these two states still possess 95% of the world’s nuclear arsenal.

Norway wishes to see an effective NATO with the emphasis on Article 5. We must therefore ensure effective deterrence but without the overwhelming emphasis on nuclear weapons which has been with us since the days of the Cold War. This in turn means that the NATO countries must possess the relevant conventional military capabilities that are necessary to demonstrate the solidarity of the Alliance in practical terms.

The Alliance is in need of a process of reform. It needs, first and foremost, to focus on a better balance between the level of ambition and the resources available. NATO should give priority to deployable capabilities which have the ability to cover the whole spectrum of threats and crises, including high intensity operations. The requirements of individual must not be allowed to govern long-term defence planning. For example, the acute needs of Afghanistan must not decide what NATO’s priorities should be in the longer term. Failing this, we could quickly end up with an exaggerated focus on the capabilities required primarily for long drawn out stabilisation operations. Capabilities that are not necessarily the same as those needed to give relevance to NATO security policy in its own vicinity. We must therefore ensure that NATO retains a military capability that covers the whole spectrum of the Alliance’s missions.

Experience gained from NATO operations illustrates the need for close cooperation with other international actors. Only in this way can we achieve properly balanced solutions. Such solutions involve both civil and military means. We see this today in Afghanistan but it applies equally to the situation in the High North.

In international operations such an approach means cooperation with organisations such as the UN, the EU and the African Union. In the High North the parties could well be the International Maritime Organisation (IMO), the Arctic Council and the institutions under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.

NATO should not try to copy the activities undertaken in these organisations but should rather improve its ability to cooperate with them. This is equally true for operations both “home” and “away”. From the Norwegian side we would wish to see a sharper focus on NATO’s relations with other international organisations included in the work on the strategic concept. This applies not least to NATO’s relations with the EU.

The relationship between NATO and the EU is a matter of major importance for Norway. We enjoy close collaboration with the EU in many fields including that of defence and security policy. We participate in the EU’s rapid response forces. The Norwegian frigate Fridtjof Nansen is taking part in the EU’s operation ATALANTA in the Gulf of Aden. We are closely associated with the European Defence Agency (EDA) which works for a more closely integrated market in Europe for defence materiel.

In the field of security policy the EU has become a more important actor than it has been in the past. The Lisbon Treaty, which came into force a month ago, is likely to strengthen this development. This is something in which we take an active interest. It is now important that there should be in place effective arrangements for collaboration between NATO and the EU. Both operationally in order to avoid duplication in the development of military capabilities and financially in order to avoid the squandering of resources.

We hope that the coincidence in time between implementation of the Lisbon Treaty in the EU and NATO’s work on the strategic concept will be able to breathe new life into this collaboration as early as this year.

From both the NATO and the Norwegian sides, the way is being prepared for an open and inclusive process in the run-up to the summit meeting in Lisbon. Later this month the Foreign Minister and I will be hosting a major allied strategy seminar here in Oslo. The seminar is the third in the series and the theme is a timely one, NATO’s partnerships.

Challenges in the North – Norway, NATO and Russia
When we refer to the adjacent areas, we are talking quite generally about areas in the vicinity of NATO. It could be areas round the Baltic, the Black Sea or the Mediterranean. In Norway, though, we define the Northern Areas, the High North, as our most important adjacent area. This is evident both from the Soria Moria Declaration of 2005 and from the updated policy platform from autumn 2009. Developments in recent years have, in my view, shown this prioritisation to be correct.

We are seeing growing international interest in the changes taking place in the Arctic. We can see this interest in our allies, in Russia and in Asia. The possibility of new sea routes and the potential for oil and gas extraction gives rise to expectation and optimism. At the same time, increases in maritime traffic and petroleum production could lead to serious adverse consequences for fisheries and for the environment. And allow me to stress the obvious – the fact that the Arctic ice is melting is very bad news for us all. This must not, however, prevent us from beginning to think about the consequences of it actually happening.

Why are we so obsessed with the High North from the standpoint of security policy? The challenges are, after all, of a largely civil nature. Climatic, environmental, energy and fishery-related. Should not the Armed Forces lie low in these areas rather than inviting increased military activity?

The answer is No. Such a passive policy would signal a lack of ambition, ability and will to take care of both our interests and our obligations. The key words are the upholding of sovereignty and the exercise of authority. For example through the Coast Guard service, surveillance, search and rescue and the Border Guard. In principle there is nothing new in this. What is new is that the challenges are increasing in volume and in geographical extent as a consequence of climate change. If we do not prepare ourselves for this, we cannot reckon on anyone else doing it for us.

Due to the large distances involved, a military presence in the north is essential if we are to be able to reach an operational area at the right time. Having ships, aircraft and land forces deployed in the North also enhances our ability to prevent episodes and crises. It also serves as an important signal contributing to regional stability.

Four of the five states bordering on the Arctic Ocean – that is to say Canada, Denmark, the United States and Norway – are members of NATO. NATO member Iceland is also strongly affected by developments. The Alliance therefore has a natural role to play in relation to possible security challenges in the region.
 
We are not calling for a permanently high level of NATO presence in the North, such as there was during the Cold War. What we would wish to see first and foremost is an awareness of potential security challenges which is reflected in Alliance planning, information exchange and exercise activities. In addition we would like to see closer cooperation between our new operational headquarters in Bodø and NATO’s command structure. More regular exercises under NATO auspices would further demonstrate solidarity. These would at the same time provide a basis for cooperation with Russia in a number of areas. I am thinking especially of search and rescue at sea, operations under winter conditions, protection of the sea routes and anti-terror operations.

Russia is being revitalised as a great power. Judging by all the evidence, we are entering a new period of geopolitical normality. To keep things tidy: Russia today bears little resemblance to the former Soviet Union. Russia does not represent any alternative political-economic system. Russia and we in the West are mutually dependent in many areas and, in addition, Russia faces a number of internal challenges which limit its freedom of action.

Russia is very important to European security. NATO and the European countries therefore need to maintain a good dialogue with their neighbour to the east. It is encouraging that the United States-Russia dialogue now seems to have shifted onto a more positive track.

At the same time, of course, we see – from our position in the orchestra stalls as it were – that Russia has resumed its military activities in areas adjacent to our borders. Even though we may not see this as a threat directed towards Norway, we have to follow developments closely. Norway’s situation from a security policy standpoint is affected to a large degree by developments in Russia. That is why it is so important to strengthen cooperation with Russia in areas including defence. At the same time we must allow for the possibility that situations may arise in which we have conflicting interests. We must therefore continue to uphold our sovereignty and take very seriously the exercise of authority and our responsibility for areas under our jurisdiction.

Operations abroad
Like NATO, we as a country face the duality of operations both at home and away. While being a peace-loving nation, we still cannot exclude the possibility that from time to time we may have to step up to the mark with an active contribution to military operations outside our own adjacent areas. As President Obama so tellingly expressed it in his Nobel lecture: The instruments of war do have a role to play in preserving the peace. This is directly in line with the thinking that has occupied a central position in Norwegian politics for very many years. The use of force must be firmly based in law, but sometimes that force has to be used in the service of the law.

That is why we are in Afghanistan, why we are in Chad and why the frigate Fridtjof Nansen is patrolling off the coast of Somalia. For even though we have major tasks to face at home, we also have to carry our share of responsibility for international security. In this we make our contribution through NATO, the UN and the EU. It is many years since Norway had as many soldiers taking part in operations abroad as we have today. Just now there are something like 900 Norwegian men and women serving in international operations under the auspices of these organisations, all of which have an important bearing on Norway’s security. This adds up to a significant contribution when seen in the light of Norway’s size. Still more men and women are preparing to take part or have just returned from duty, or are doing their bit at home to support these operations overseas.

The majority of the Norwegian people support our participation in the ISAF operation in Afghanistan where we are just one of 42 contributing countries. This support deserves the greatest respect. The operation also has full support in the Storting.

Both our military and our civil contributions in Afghanistan cover a very broad spectrum and their fundamental objective is to help the Afghans to help themselves. In Afghanistan, the principal aim on the military side is now to assist in making the military and civil authorities better able to assume responsibility for their own security. In this we are acting in line with the new American strategy. This strategy also places emphasis on increased protection of the Afghan population against direct confrontation with the insurgents – an approach that we from the Norwegian side have long advocated.

The key to success in Afghanistan is training and the build-up of Afghan state institutions including the Afghan Army and the police. The work of strengthening the Afghan security forces is to be coordinated through a joint NATO training mission. To finance this, a NATO support fund has been set up to which Norway will be contributing 20 million US dollars this year. In addition we are contributing a further 10 million dollars towards the build-up of the Afghan police. At the same time we are reshaping our military contribution still further in the direction of training, education and support.

The intention is that Afghan forces will, in stages, take over responsibility for security further out into the provinces. When this happens, it does not mean that the ISAF forces will withdraw altogether but that they will assume a role that is more clearly one of support for the Afghan forces and authorities. This is the only way to proceed if the international efforts to bring security and stability to Afghanistan are to succeed.

At the same time we make clear demands on the Afghan government. The international support will be assessed in the light of how it is followed up by the Afghan authorities. Measures to combat corruption, improve governance, and create better living conditions for the Afghan people are themes that will feature prominently during the major conference to discuss the way ahead in Afghanistan that is to be held in London towards the end of this month.

My own experiences
Just before Christmas I came home after a round trip to visit the three largest of the operations in which we are involved. Here I witnessed Norwegian soldiers doing a formidable job under difficult and unfamiliar conditions, whether it was under a baking African sun or in the snow and ice of the Afghan winter. It cannot fail to make a strong impression to see our personnel reacting instantly to an alarm signalling wounded Afghan personnel in the field. I also witnessed the importance of the helicopter support that we are providing in the northern province of Afghanistan to ensure that prompt medical help can be brought to the wounded. 

I encountered the same professionalism and desire to help when I visited the Norwegian units in Chad where they face demanding tasks. One unit operates a field hospital and provides high quality health services for a UN force while the other is an engineering unit drilling for water, both in this way helping to stabilise the crisis which the Darfur conflict has created. Our contribution in Chad is a concrete expression of the Government’s ambition to give priority to Norway’s participation in UN-led peace operations, with particular emphasis on providing capabilities that can make these operations more effective. For too many years western countries have been conspicuous by their absence from UN-led operations. The termination of the Chad mission this summer has been planned from the start and does not represent any break with this policy. We are in discussion with the UN as to where our contribution can be of most use in future operations – within the constraints, naturally, of what our Armed Forces are able to sustain over time.

I also visited our contribution to the ATALANTA operation in the Gulf of Aden. While I was on board, HNoMS Fridtjof Nansen received an alert about pirates. The crew immediately swung into action. It turned out, however, that the “pirates” this time were peaceful fishermen but nevertheless the drill was just as impressive. A professional team, capably led, and with skilled operators in all the functions. They were well trained and knew exactly what was expected of them.

I felt considerable pride in what I saw in all the operations that I visited. I saw personnel who deliver, who perform to the highest professional standards and whose morale is excellent. Among the things that struck me most were the enthusiasm and involvement that were so clear to see.

The Armed Forces have chosen respect, responsibility and courage as their core values. In these operations far from home I saw how these core values exhibited themselves in a tangible way. As a point that I would like to return to later, there is much to be learnt from how one acts in the field that can be applied to our daily lives here at home.

The new mission-oriented Armed Forces
In order to carry out the primary task of our Armed Forces, namely the defence of our political sovereignty and territorial integrity, we are developing a series of new military capabilities and upgrading others, not least those which are of particular importance in safeguarding our interests in the northern areas. There is thus a close linkage between the Government’s Northern Area strategy and the development of the Armed Forces.

Following a decade of comprehensive reforms, we are in the process of putting into place a modern defence organisation based on mission-oriented forces of high quality. The Armed Forces are going through a period of renewal with a level of investment which is without equal in recent times.

We are phasing in new frigates and missile torpedo boats and have procured new Coast Guard vessels. Our new transport aircraft meet the requirements for strategic lift capacity and the first of our new maritime helicopters will be delivered this year.

Norwegian army units will have increased firepower, mobility, protection and, not least, an enhanced capability for working with other forces in a joint operational environment. Amongst other equipment an entirely new artillery system, ARCHER, is being procured. We are updating our CV 90 armoured assault vehicles and will be acquiring new combat reconnaissance systems.

Our soldiers are getting new equipment including new hand weapons and communications equipment. This means a lot for the soldiers’ safety and combat capability.

The Home Guard has undergone a far-reaching quality reform. Two new vessels for the Naval Home Guard in 2010 constitute a further step towards a more flexible and modern Home Guard.

This defence organisation is substantially smaller in terms of manpower than the organisation in place during the Cold War period. But the quality of the units, their combat capability and their availability have been raised to a level that represents a quantum leap when compared to the old mobilisation defence forces. It is interesting, too, to note how some of the criticism of this restructuring sounds a few years on. The reduction in numbers began towards the middle of this decade. Since 2005 the Armed Forces have in fact grown in size. Year on year.

Combat aircraft
The acquisition of a combat aircraft capability is by far the largest investment that we shall be making over the coming years.

The combat aircraft forms the cornerstone of a modern defence structure. These aircraft provide a flexible capability which can carry out a broad spectrum of missions associated with fire support, information gathering and the long range delivery of precision weapons.

As well as possessing the obvious capability to carry out missions independently, combat aircraft are essential to the ability to utilise sea and land forces to the full. These aircraft therefore represent a component of central importance to the overall ability of the Armed Forces to carry out fully integrated combined operations, or what we know as network-based defence.

When the new F-35 aircraft are in place, this will constitute an essential enhancement of our defence capability. In the intervening period we will be maintaining our inventory of F-16s in good shape through a continuing programme of upgrading.

Industrial cooperation
Activities in the defence sector touch on many important aspects of economic policy. I have in mind the Armed Forces’ procurement of goods and services and our extensive programme of investment. In total we are talking about annual payments approaching NOK 20 billion to a range of Norwegian and foreign contractors. Our defence acquisition policy is based on the principal premise of open and free competition.

This government will follow an economic policy that stimulates the development of an innovative, knowledge-based and environmentally friendly economy. Where it is cost-effective and compatible with the requirements of the defence sector, the Government will use these procurement projects actively in, for example, furthering the development of industrial competence in Norway. In this way we can ensure that employment and exports also benefit. It is with some satisfaction that I can report that exports of Norwegian military materiel have experienced strong growth in recent years. There can be little doubt that this is a manifestation of the success achieved by the Government in strengthening the partnership between the Armed Forces and industry. It is also reassuring to know that this growth is taking place within the clear guidelines set by one of the world’s strictest export control regimes.

Industrial collaboration associated with the acquisition of materiel for the Armed Forces is important in this context. Offset purchasing is a central element and a powerful tool in our procurement policy. As a result of offset agreements Norwegian companies receive orders worth in the region of NOK 2 billion annually from foreign contractors. Either in the form of purchases of products and services or as contributions to research and development activity, or as industrial collaboration projects between Norwegian and foreign companies. Compared with other support arrangements, the income accruing through offset arrangements represents the most important source of economic support for the defence and security related sectors of industry in Norway.

The offset agreements contribute to the strengthening of national industrial competence, the development of new technology and market opportunities. In doing so, they also benefit other non-military areas of industry. The development of military high technology often leads to products and activities that can be exploited by other technology-based industrial enterprises. Military technology can contribute to industrial innovation and the creating of added value for Norway in the future, while also providing a basis for new start-ups. Defence procurement can, in other words, act as an important catalyst for civil enterprises in Norway in a broad range of areas.

The acquisition of new combat aircraft serves as a good example. The Ministry of Defence lays down strict requirements for the industrial plan to be submitted by the aircraft manufacturer. We then, in close collaboration with the Ministry of Trade and Industry, work actively to ensure that this industrial plan will include long-term, concrete and realistic opportunities for Norwegian industry. For I need hardly remind you that a strong and robust national defence industry is of major importance to the Norwegian Armed Forces themselves.
 
The Norwegian Armed Forces as a competence based organisation
The Norwegian Armed Forces have in recent year received – and will continue to receive – much new and advanced equipment. Nevertheless it is the competence and skill of our personnel that is our most important and crucial asset. All those who work in defence, both military and civilian employees alike, as well as our soldiers themselves, must have the competence required to operate and make full use of this advanced equipment. And we also rely on the technical competence of our personnel to maintain this equipment and provide the logistic services needed for flexible and effective operation. More recent conflict scenarios have shown how important it is to be able to improvise. We must be able to inject operational competence into new structures quickly and efficiently. Out technicians and logistics personnel must be able to support new systems when far from our home bases. Our ability to adapt is critical to our strength. The same applies to our competence and understanding of culture and diversity.

Our new mission-oriented defence organisation bears all the hallmarks of a competence based organisation. Major challenges in technology and logistics, new working processes and challenges, all call for leading-edge competence and defence forces that are continuously adapting in order to find the best solutions. Such an organisation requires strong, clear leadership and the ability to carry out its tasks in difficult situations and under combat conditions while still being able to make the right ethical assessments.

In the Armed Forces, leaders may be required to lead their units in war or in conflict situations. These same leaders must also be able to motivate the men and women in their charge in peacetime. The Armed Forces must be able to motivate all their personnel, not least those who are engaged in day-to-day support and administrative tasks. The way in which these tasks are carried out can have a considerable effect on the public perception of the Armed Forces’ efficiency and the way in which they function. The Norwegian Armed Forces enjoy the full confidence of most people. Although, it must be said, this good reputation has been put to the test on one or two occasions, associated essentially with administrative and commercial matters.

A competence based organisation requires leaders who really “see” and understand the personnel for whom they are responsible, who set clear standards, who motivate their colleagues and subordinates to do their best, and who themselves make a positive contribution to the reputation of the organisation.

“Respect, responsibility and courage” are the Armed Forces’ core values. I should like to see a closer focus on what this means for the conduct of the forces’ administrative tasks. 

The Armed Forces in a new era
It may seem most relevant to see these core values of respect, responsibility and courage in the context of a real operational situation. A situation in which attitudes and actions can make the difference between life and death. A good leader will know how he must plan, organise and structure the action in order to accomplish the mission in the best possible way. A good leader will know that knowledge of his adversary, familiarity with his own equipment and good training are needed in order to achieve the best possible level of preparedness.

As you will appreciate, one of the main questions for me is how we can make sure that the good and strong culture of professionalism and competence that I myself witnessed in the operations that I visited can find its place in all areas of the Armed Forces. One answer is to maintain a conscious awareness of the core values throughout the organisation, including those areas in which the work is of a more administrative nature. This will also help to improve the reputation of the defence sector. This reputation must reflect good leadership based on clear values, something that should permeate all activities in the sector, not only at the sharp end. A good reputation is important not least when it comes to the question of recruiting.

Armed Forces recruiting
The National Service scheme and the initial period of military service provides the Armed Forces with a very special opportunity to recruit young people into the organisation. At the same time this gives a significant proportion of the population an insight into what the Armed Forces really do. Nor must we forget that many of our young people are carrying out important tasks, perhaps serving with the Border Guard or with the King’s Guard, in the course of their national service. I am pleased to say that the system of National Service has the backing of a very high proportion of the population and that all parties in the Storting would wish to maintain this important social contract between the Armed Forces and the Norwegian people. At the same time this makes it our responsibility to see that the arrangements for national service are adapted to meet the continuously changing needs of a new era. Improved arrangements for initial interview will make it possible to inform each annual batch of school leavers about the opportunities offered by the Armed Forces, while also providing a selection system which is able to identify and recruit those who are both suitable and best motivated.

The Armed Forces are able to offer a wealth of good educational opportunities in a wide variety of professional areas. Education is a key activity in a defence organisation in which competence is its most important resource. This should not prevent us, however, from continuously assessing how we can provide our personnel with this competence in the best and most effective way. We must also make it clear when we are selecting candidates for the various schools that we are recruiting into a profession, not simply an educational stream. In fact a profession that entails special dangers as well as challenges.

The number of applicants seeking to join the Armed Forces as a rule varies with the general employment situation. At the moment we are in a good period with an upward trend in the numbers applying for the various educational schemes. The challenge in the future will be to maintain these good figures and to ensure that as many as possible remain in the Armed Forces after their mandatory period of service.

Personnel participating in operations abroad
The conduct of Norwegian soldiers serving abroad is an important factor in determining the reputation of the Armed Forces. But equally important is the way in which we look after them when they come home.

Participation in operations abroad has become a normal part of military service. Taking part in such operations gives the great majority experiences and a competence that they would not have missed for anything. The missions themselves are often experienced as making a highly meaningful contribution while also providing a chance to put to the test one’s own skills and attitudes in demanding situations. But we also know that many find it hard to live with what they have experienced in operations abroad. This government has strengthened substantially the aftercare available to those returning from such operations. This work was initiated through the Long-Term Plan for the Armed Forces and was followed up in a Report to the Storting last year. The report was entitled “From national serviceman to veteran – about taking care of personnel before, during and after participation in operations abroad”. This report places particular emphasis on preventive measures, competence building, research and development, collaboration across all sectors of society as well as stronger acknowledgment of what individuals have achieved. I look forward very much to continuing with this work through the plan of action which has already started.

A culture of openness
The Armed Forces have an important bearing on society in many areas. The Armed Forces have responsibility for the exercise of force in times of war and conflict. They are a major employer, they have an extensive interface with industry and, not least, they are responsible for the administration and spending of large sums of money allocated to them by the Storting. Society has the right to know how the large sums allocated to the Armed Forces annually are used. This applies across the board, from how we apply the rules governing public sector procurement to the way in which we deal with requirements for eligibility, notoriety, contract conditions and much else. The defence sector will, in the coming year, see that I require openness. Within the limits that the law allows, I want the Armed Forces to open up its processes to public scrutiny to a greater extent than in the past.

If we are to open up to a greater extent, people must also accept being exposed to reality. I was therefore astonished to read in yesterday’s Dagbladet that I should have censored the recordings made during the New Year operations in Afghanistan in which a Norwegian soldier described a direct hit on an enemy who was attacking.

Of course it is easier to weigh one’s words carefully when sitting behind a desk in Akersgata than when one is being ambushed in Afghanistan. The Armed Forces’ intention in releasing its own pictures was to show how reality is sometimes experienced by those we send out – an assessment that I believe to be quite right.

Conclusion
The Government’s objective is to ensure that Norway has a modern defence organisation with Army, Navy, Air Force and Home Guard, a defence organisation with relevant capabilities covering the whole of the crisis spectrum. That is why I called my talk “Capable and ready for action – Norway’s armed forces 2010”. My aim has been to show that our Armed Forces today do have that capability to act – both home and away. As upholders of our sovereignty in the cold of the High North and as contributors to international missions in the barren mountains of Afghanistan and under the burning African sun.

In a Europe where defence budgets in some countries are being cut by as much as 30 percent, Norway is in a situation where real growth in the defence budget is possible. We are pressing on with the continuing development of our Armed Forces. And we are carrying out the most comprehensive restructuring process of any in the Norwegian public sector. And this includes the phasing in of a great deal of modern materiel. This restructuring naturally involves challenges. The level of exercising is not as high as we would wish and the introduction of certain new capabilities is running late. That said, it is nevertheless a privilege to be able to make these changes without having to make budget cuts. The alternative to restructuring and modernisation is not the status quo but a gradual deterioration in quality and capability. And that is not an option. Therefore we must not lose sight of the objective. Possession of Europe’s most modern defence forces is now within reach.

In the time to come, we are thus in a situation where we have capacity to spare and with it an opportunity to focus still further on competence building and the development of ethics, openness and a culture of leadership throughout the Norwegian Armed Forces.

Norway is also playing its part in the development of European and global security policy. I have described the shaping of NATO’s new Strategic Concept as an example of this. Our activities within the UN and with the EU are directed towards the same ends. We are making a contribution to global peace and security – and that, after all, is what all our defence work is about. And behind this stand our rock solid Armed Forces, capable and ready for action.

Thank you for your attention.